Francisco López Sanz

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Francisco López Sanz (1896-1977) was a Spanish publisher and writer, known mostly by his pen-names of Lopezarra, SAB and other. He achieved recognition as long-time manager of a local Navarrese daily El Pensamiento Navarro (1933-1966), though he was also briefly related - either as editor-in-chief, owner or author - to some 20 other periodicals. His press contributions span some 60 years, between the early 1910s and the early 1970s. Politically throughout all his life he was a firm and militant adherent of Carlism; in 1941-1944 he formed part of the regional Navarrese executive of Comunión Tradicionalista. In 1961-1967 he served two terms in the Francoist Cortes; during 3 separate stings of 1922-1923, 1930-1931 and 1940-1942 he was member of the Pamplona ayuntamiento. Today he is considered a paradigmatic exponent of heroic, Traditionalist Navarrese narrative, firmly anchored in Catholic values and a Manichean ideological perspective.

Family and youth

The earliest representative of the family identified is Manuel López Echeverria (born 1790) from the village of Torralba del Río in south-western Navarre.[1] His son and the paternal grandfather of Francisco was Francisco López Muru (born 1826),[2] also the native of Torralba; in 1854 he married Felipa Latasa Astiz, a girl from Mendigorria in central Navarre.[3] None of the sources consulted provides clear information on their social status, though some suggest they were of "humble origins", most likely local farmers. In the mid-19th century Francisco and Felipa settled in Pamplona, and this is where their son and Francisco's father, Agapito López Latasa (1861-1917) was born.[4] He joined the ranks of the urban proletariat and worked as a moulder in the local foundry workshop.[5] In 1895[6] he married Baldomera Sanz Berramendi (1869-1951);[7] though the bride was from Santesteban, a town at the Pyrenean foothills, her ancestors were also from Torralba and it seems that the families knew each other.[8] The couple lived in the suburban Pamplonese district of Rochapea[9] and Agapito ascended to some local recognition.[10] It is not clear how many children they had, though Francisco had at least 4 siblings.[11]

When aged 6–9 Francisco lived with maternal grandparents near Molina de Aragón, where his grandfather was teaching in a rural school.[12] Himself he received the early schooling with the Marists of Pamplona; he did not pursue an academic career and received vocational training in Escuela de Artes y Oficios, also in the Navarrese capital; the year when he obtained bachillerato is unclear, probably falling on the early 1910s.[13] In the mid-1910s (sources provide dates of 1916[14] and 1917[15]) he commenced work for the Pamplonese daily El Pensamiento Navarro, either as colaborador[16] or as member of the editorial board,[17] in 1919 growing to full-time redactor.[18] This would become his lifetime employment until the mid-1960s, though initially López Sanz collaborated or even animated other local and short-lived periodicals.

Following obligatory military service of 1921-1922, which he performed according to the scaled-down format of soldado de cuota[19] in Regimiento de América in Morocco,[20] in 1924 López Sanz got married. The bride was Agustina Fernández Otamendi (1893–1968), a girl from Guirguillano in central Navarre. There is close to nothing known about her parents,[21] though they must have enjoyed some recognition as their passing away was acknowledged in the local press.[22] Francisco and Agustina settled and lived in Pamplona. They had 3 children, two boys and a girl.[23] The best known one was Jesús María Lopez-Sanz Fernández (1928–1980). He became a locally recognized personality, and this was on two accounts. One was his activity as first a handball player and then the promoter of handball, who contributed to development of this sport in Spain.[24] Another was his professional career of a pediatrician, which gained him prestige, respect, and a "Doctor López-Sanz" street in Pamplona.[25] His son and the grandson of López Sanz, Jesus López Sanz Echarren (born 1965), is a moderately known filmmaker and remains active in the Navarrese cultural ambience.[26]

Late Restoration and Dictatorship

Francisco's ancestors were die-hard Carlists;[27] his father at the age of 12 escaped from home to join legitimist troops.[28] Francisco inherited the outlook in its most belligerent format. His first press excursions are related to a Traditionalist bulletin La Trinchera; in 1914 Francisco used to contribute combative articles, aimed against the faction known as Napartarras;[29] López Sanz lambasted their alleged separatism and dubbed them "these swine".[30] In 1915 he co-animated Sindicatos Libres, Catholic trade unions.[31] Already as colaborador or redactor of El Pensamiento Navarro[32] and together with Ignacio Baleztena[33] in December 1919 he launched an own periodical, Radica. Its emergence was triggered by the Mellista breakup within Carlism. The first issue declared total loyalty to the claimant[34] and the subsequent ones kept mocking Vázquez de Mella, "Juan el Vanidoso" and "camaleón".[35] Another omnipresent thread was cherishing local Navarrese identity; at one point the editors declared "odio eterno al centralismo y un asco mortal al patrioterismo".[36] López Sanz published under his surname, as "Lopezarra", "F.L.S.", and perhaps also using other, unidentified pen-names. The periodical - intended as a weekly but in fact an irregular - briefly claimed to be the paper of Juventudes Jaimistas de Navarra.[37] Some articles were at least acknowledged in El Correo Español, a Madrid daily which aspired to the role of official Traditionalist mouthpiece.[38] However, Radica struggled financially and following desperate appeals for subscription, the last issue appeared in August 1921.[39]

In April 1922 the 26-year-old López Sanz, a barely known redactor[40] or "cronista deportivo",[41] stood in elections to the Pamplona town hall. He was running in the Casas Consistoriales district and with 414 votes gathered he emerged victorious.[42] The term proved to be rather brief, as following the Primo de Rivera coup in October 1923 the Pamplona ayuntamiento was dissolved and replaced with comisión gestora.[43] In the mid-1920s López Sanz acted as president of Juventud Jaimista de Pamplona,[44] though under the dictatorship the organisation was reduced to para-political activities like excursions to the Iranzu sanctuary.[45] Another motion in the like was contributing to homage album for Francisco Oller, where he published poetry and graphics.[46] In the early 1920s López Sanz political articles started to appear in El Pensamiento; he kept waging the war against de Mella.[47] He was gradually gaining recognition: he represented the region during conferences in Valencia[48] and Barcelona,[49] and in 1927 he entered the board of the Navarrese press association.[50] Some of his articles were published beyond Navarre, be it in local right-wing Cantabrian[51] or Catalan[52] newspapers. López Sanz continued hailing the region; in 1925 he was awarded a prize for his work on history of Navarre;[53] in a "literatos nuevos" rubric of a literary review voiced against "literatura cocotesco-sentimental" and idolized "glorias regionales", to create "las regiones fuertes que formen una Patria grande".[54] In 1929 he first gained a reference of a "Gran Lopezarra".[55] In February 1930 as an appointee he again entered the ayuntamiento and served until the April 1931 elections,[56] unclear whether he lost or did not stand.[57]

Republic

Though unenthusiastic about the newly established Republic, López Sanz cheered the fall of Alfonso XIII; in El Pensamiento Navarro he declared that "monarquía constitucional no engendró virtudes de lealtad; procuró corromperías".[58] Under the strict republican censorship he could have afforded only veiled homage references to traditionalist monarchy, camouflaged as a religious reflection.[59] Religious motives were also vital when in 1931-1932 he supported the Estella statute against so-called Estatuto de las Gestoras; with the Estella version in force, he claimed that “podremos respirar tranquilos como católicos”.[60] However, he also voiced against emerging Christian-Democratic groupings, blaming them - along the liberal monarchy - for ongoing secularisation of the Spanish society,[61] and within the limits permitted by censorship ridiculed newly introduced institutions like secular marriages.[62]

The position of López Sanz in El Pensamiento changed already in 1930, when the editor-in-chief Miguel Esparza Aguinaga was forced to resign, accused of siding with Basque nationalists;[63] his position was assumed by Francisco Marquínez y López de Alda, barely 3 years older than López Sanz. From this moment the latter emerged among leading figures of the staff. While before he was largely engaged in anonymous editorial work, published on trivia[64] and if penned major articles they were limited mostly to history,[65] in the early 1930s he was increasingly frequently populating the Dialogos de hoy rubric[66] and gained his own Rafagas column, where he discussed a variety of issues ranging from the impact of rain on daily life to unemployment.[67] It soon turned out that Marquínez developed serious health problems and in mid-1933 was often out of work. It is not clear whether the Carlist regional executive, which controlled the ownership of El Pensamiento, considered any alternative candidates for the chief editor job; the Traditionalist credentials of López Sanz were not in doubt,[68] as he often used to speak at local Navarrese rallies.[69] In October 1933[70] he was nominated the new redactor-jefe.[71]

As the new chief editor López Sanz tested the limits of republican censorship, lambasting liberalism[72] or socialism[73] and hailing "instituciones tradicionales".[74] He declared parliamentarian democracy over[75] and to be replaced by "regimes fuertes" (with examples of Greece and Portugal),[76] yet he ridiculed Primo de Rivera, "el actual caudillo del fascio español" whose ideas resembled rather "comunismo o al socialismo".[77] However, most of his pieces - now published almost every day on the front page - were not dedicated to politics, focused rather on history or culture.[78] In 1935 he accepted amalgamation of El Pensamiento - printed on 6 pages and with circulation of some 2,000-3,900 copies[79] - into the centrally-coordinated Carlist press machinery[80] and in early 1936 steered the daily during the parliamentary electoral campaign.[81] Anticipating triumph of the right, he called for future "legislación totalmente antirrevolucionaria"[82] implemented in alliance with CEDA and Renovación to eradicate radical left-wing political militancy.[83] Following the victory of Popular Front, from his press column he kept warning against the advancing revolution,[84] though he also did take part in Carlist rallies, mobilising support among the rank-and-file.[85]

Civil war: towards unification

None of the sources consulted mentions López Sanz as involved in anti-republican conspiracy of the spring of 1936.[86] However, almost immediately following the rebel takeover of Navarre he was incorporated into the Carlist wartime structures. In July he got nominated as Delegado de Prensa del Requeté de Navarra[87] and member of Delegacion de Prensa y Propaganda, a body subordinated to the Traditionalist Navarrese executive, Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra (JCCGN).[88] In late July he played central role when orchestrating the field mass, celebrated in Plaza del Castillo.[89] Also in late July 1936 JCCGN appointed him to its newly created dependent structure, Comisión de Expertos sobre la Reintegración Foral; its task was to work out a proposal for separate Navarrese arrangements, based on historical fueros and to be incorporated into the legal framework of the new Spain; nothing is known of any result of its labours.[90] In September he appeared in Radio Burgos, refraining from specific Carlist overtones and hailing the Nationalist war effort.[91] Throughout late 1936 and early 1937 López Sanz kept advancing the Carlist propaganda when managing El Pensamiento Navarro;[92] in grandiose terms he saluted the sacrifice of new Traditionalist martyrs and called for more effort.[93] He toured Navarre himself, speaking at various locations,[94] though in early spring of 1937 he appeared also far away in Andalusia; in March as official representative of JCCGN's Delegacion de Prensa y Propaganda he spoke in freshly taken Málaga.[95]

Having been member neither of the local Navarrese nor the national Carlist executive López Sanz did not play an active role in debates related to the threat of enforced unification; he took part in the JCCGN sitting in mid-April, yet it is not known whether - like most of the Navarrese - he tended to accept Franco's dictate.[96] When the Unification Decree was issued he was touring the Biscay frontline, every few days sending to El Pensamiento Navarro his fresh and usually exalted[97] correspondence.[98] Under his guidance - though also subject to heavy-handed military censorship - the daily duly published all related legislation but also some editorials, which in moderate and somewhat Aesopian language acknowledged the amalgamation.[99] López Sanz did not publish any enthusiastic article, yet he signed messages "reiterando su adhesión" to Franco[100] and congratulating "invicto Caudillo".[101] However, when the unificated Falange Española Tradicionalista was about to take over assets of both Falange and Comunión Tradicionalista, ownership of El Pensamiento Navarro was transferred to a formally commercial company, Editorial Navarra, set up especially for this purpose; the move saved the daily from incorporation into the FET press machinery and probably also saved López Sanz's job.[102] In August he took part in another sitting of JCCGN, organized to handle amalgamation into the state party.[103] In September and in line with unification regulations, Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda was dissolved.[104]

Civil war: after unification

Unlike some Carlism-related Navarrese publicistas,[105] in the emerging Francoist structures López Sanz did not assume any position. He is mentioned neither in historiographic works on post-unification wartime Carlism,[106] nor on Navarrese officialdom of the late 1930s[107] nor on the process of forging the new Falange Española Tradicionalista.[108] The only information available is related to his work as editor-in-chief of El Pensamiento Navarro, which grew from 6 pages in 1937 to 8 pages in 1938 and its special issues might have boasted of as many as 40 pages.[109] Editorial Navarra, the company which owned the newspaper, was in turn formally owned by leaders of Navarrese Carlism: mostly conde Rodezno, Luis Arrellano Dihinx and the Baleztena brothers.[110] They were all good acquaintances of López Sanz, yet it is not clear whether and if yes how much he had to bend his own preferences to comply with the line required by the owners.

In general terms El Pensamiento Navarro remained perfectly within the limits of official propaganda. Franco was invariably hailed in grandiose terms as great leader while Nationalist effort was presented as patriotic sacrifice.[111] The Republicans were referred as bestial bunch at the service of Moscow, e.g. after Guernica López Sanz blamed "ruso-separatistas" for burning the city and concluded with "¡canallas, y mil veces canallas!".[112] He populated the front-page Relente column, which appeared in almost every issue;[113] in this case he was signing as "SAB", while his correspondence[114] was usually signed as "Lopezarra"[115] and in case of important editorials he published under own surname.[116] On the anniversary of José Antonio's death a huge necrological note was published, though not clear whether enforced by censorship.[117] However, while always careful to pay appropriate homage to officialdom, El Pensamiento firmly held to the Carlist identity; every issue listed fallen requetés in the "martyrs" rubric, every some time Carlist kings, historical commanders[118] and thinkers[119] were referred as role models, and Rodezno's appointment to minister of justice was acknowledged "como compensación a aquellas luchas".[120]

At times López Sanz used Aesopian language to embark on veiled defence of separate Traditionalist identity against unification designs. Explaining while he had not applied for a FET membership card yet he declared that he did not fancy visiting a photographer's office.[121] Referring the case of a censor having crossed out "R" on the Carlist "D.P.R."-embroided stationery[122] he lambasted the man as a coward.[123] Discussing unspecified friction he quoted Aparisi, who called for "unión de todos los que oían misa",[124] but also - probably in veiled reference to closing Carlist círculos - he exclaimed "¡si en todos los pueblos españoles hubiera habido un modesto círculo carlista!"[125] El Pensamiento was cautious when acclaiming the regent, Don Javier, who did not feature frequently on its pages. When reporting his meeting with Franco in December 1937 the prince was dedicated a large front-page photograph (a privilege usually reserved exclusively for Franco) and the two were presented as "dos ilustres personalidades"; Don Javier appeared not as a regent, but as "depositario de las esencias" of Traditionalism.[126]

1940s and the Francoist question

The 1940s was the period of extreme fragmentation within the Navarrese Traditionalism. There were 2 lines of division; one related to Carlist position versus the regime, and another related to the dynastical question. Both lines crossed, forming a complex matrix of allegiances, and López Sanz, as manager of perhaps the most important Traditionalist daily in the country, did matter within this puzzle. As to the question of Francoism, by some scholars López Sanz is counted among the Rodezno-led[127] Navarrese Carlist "oligarquía próxima al franquismo",[128] perhaps not as close to the regime as e.g. Amadeo Marco or Antonio Lizarza, but much closer than e.g. the Baleztena brothers or Javier Astraín.[129]

López Sanz was a genuine admirer of Franco and supporter of the regime, though he remained lukewarm about Falangism. At times he clashed with the Falangists, e.g. confronting Gimenez Caballero regarding the claim that Navarre should contribute to Spanish unity by forgetting its fueros; his article was blocked by censorship,[130] and so was a planned series of booklets on requetés,[131] the first one to be written by López Sanz himself.[132] However, he accepted the 1940 appointment to the Pamplona town hall,[133] which commenced his third string in the ayuntamiento.[134] The acceptance put the Carlist leader Manuel Fal Conde in difficult position,[135] as the latter opted for non-collaboration; eventually he concluded he could have not afforded not to consent.[136] The term was again shorter than planned; following the so-called Begoña Incident of 1942, when Falangists threw grenades into a Carlist gathering, all Carlist concejales resigned from the ayuntamiento.[137]

López Sanz later claimed that "El Pensamiento Navarro was the only Spanish daily allowed to stand against the Axis" and that he was forced to publish Vázquez de Mella's pro-German addresses from the First World War.[138] However, since the late 1930s the daily remained perfectly attuned with the overall line promoted by the press office. It consistently published pieces which sounded sympathetic towards Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, be it in 1940, when ridiculing French anti-Petain exiles in Britain[139] or in 1945, when re-printing literally Nazi news about "muerte heroica" of Hitler[140] or "indescribable resistance" of German troops in Berlin.[141]

In 1947, when the regime introduced Ley de Sucesión, López Sanz remained cautiously approbative. He admonished Carlist critics that Franco must not be approached "como si fuese un adversario". He also underlined that "Franco significa la esperanza de la monarquía, pero no de una monarquía ligera, sino de la monarquía tradicional" which embodies the spirit of the Cruzada; he presented fidelity to "espíritu del 18 de Julio" as one of theoretical Carlist dynastical cornerstones.[142] Again, support for Franco did not translate to support for the administration. During the first local elections, staged by the regime in 1948, López Sanz favoured candidates running against these promoted by the civil governor Juan Junquera.[143] In 1950, following a long of conflict of gobernador versus ayuntamiento and Diputación Provincial, he congratulated the town hall on their stance when defending Carlist círculos against administrative designs to close them.[144]

1940s and the dynastical question

In the very early 1940s López Sanz remained perfectly within the limits of Carlist dynastical orthodoxy: he stayed loyal to the regent Don Javier and did not advance any own candidate to the crown. Though not member of regional executive, he was kept on the loop[145] and in 1941 on suggestion of Zamanillo[146] was included "en representación de la comisión de propaganda"[147] in the newly appointed Junta Regional.[148] However, as years were passing by he was increasingly uneasy about what many perceived as an overdue regency. In 1943 Jesús Elizalde became fairly vocal when asking that a grand Carlist assembly to decide upon a new king be convened. When Fal responded with an angry letter, in 1944 the Navarrese Junta Regional resigned in corpore,[149] though its members would informally keep meeting, also in the house of López Sanz.[150] Rather adverse towards Don Carlos Pio and the Carlist faction known as Carloctavismo[151] but also lukewarm towards Don Javier, López Sanz was very cautiously leaning towards exploring the perspectives of reaching an understanding with Don Juan.[152] In 1946 and together with numerous Navarrese heavyweights - including Rodezno, Joaquín Baleztena, Ignacio Baleztena, Martínez Berasain, José Angel Zubiaur, Jesús Larrainzar, Jesús Elizalde, Morentin de Morentín, Esteban Ezcurra, Luis Arellano - he signed a letter to Don Javier, in polite yet bold terms asking him to sort out the royal issue.[153] However, when the same year Rodezno asked López Sanz to accompany him on a visit to Don Juan in Portugal, Lopezarra refused.[154]

In 1947 it was 50 years since El Pensamiento Navarro appeared on the market; the large commemorative issue celebrated Carlist history, yet what struck many readers was total lack of any references either to Don Javier or Fal. Many sent their angry letters,[155] and some suggested to Fal that the daily be disauthorised as Carlist periodical.[156] To some it smacked of sinister neutrality as "numerous divisions within the Navarrese branch of the party inspired the director to believe that the only way to keep the daily afloat is to keep it distant from all factions",[157] to others it implicitly favoured the Don Juan[158] and demonstrated "proclividad juanista".[159] In private López Sanz was indeed endorsing Don Juan[160] and considered Don Javier a Frenchman who "no podía representar dignamente la Jefatura máxima del carlismo español".[161] He also defended Rodezno sounding Don Juan as perfectly within limits allowed by the regency.[162] His personal engagement sort of climaxed in 1948, during angry exchange of open letters with Melchor Ferrer.[163] The latter charged him with breaching the Carlist discipline and loyalty, though he pointed also - perhaps rightly - that López Sanz was leaning towards Don Juan merely "out of resignation".[164] The El Pensamiento usual column, titled Glosa and filled by López Sanz, where he commented all sort of issues, at the turn of the 1940s and the 1950s was reportedly getting mocked in Pamplona because of its veiled pro-Juanista stand.[165] Increasingly irritated, López Sanz observed that some "preferred communism rather than Don Juan.[166]

Mid-Francoism

In the early 1950s many Carlists, especially these from the generation of 20-year-olds, viewed El Pensamiento Navarro as basically a propaganda platform of the Estorilos, which indirectly yet clearly endorsed Don Juan and maintained blackout on Don Javier.[167] One author claims that "with the 1952 death of Rodezno López Sanz abandoned Don Juan and moved to the camp of Don Javier of Borbón-Parma",[168] though in the mid-1950s the only change visible was that he began to be somewhat celebrated by the officialdom, in 1954 having received Orden de Isabel la Catolica[169] and becoming president of the Navarrese press association,[170] while in 1956 he entered the jury of Premio Nacional de Periodismo.[171] The dynastical turnaround came somewhat later, during the Montejurra ascent of 1957, the romería that López Sanz co-initiated to honour the Carlist fallen in 1939.[172] In 1957 a group of young activists carefully staged an unexpected appearance of prince Hugues, the son of Don Javier; his address might have sounded like an offer to Franco. Unlike during earlier ascents, acknowledged only by small notes,[173] this time López Sanz and El Pensamiento reported the event in "tono heroico, pomposo" in a 2-page editorial.[174]

Those adverse towards Don Javier and the Borbón-Parmas staged a counter-action. Some 50-odd Carlists, including numerous politicians of prestigious standing, visited Don Juan in Estoril; during a solemn ceremony he declared allegiance to Traditionalist principles and was acknowledged as the Carlist dynastical leader. López Sanz did not take part, but could not have avoided taking a stand. The question whether this declaration should be published in El Pensamiento divided not only the editorial board, but also owners of Editorial Navarra; Arellano pushed for it, Joaquín Baleztena (who since 1951 again presided the regional junta) and his brother Ignacio opposed it, while Martínez Berasaín remained ambiguous. López Sanz spoke out against publication; when outvoted, he offered his resignation. Eventually the issue became pointless, as censorship banned the publication anyway.[175]

Carlism of the late 1950s was marked by a decisive turn of policy towards the regime; Fal Conde left, political leadership was assumed by José María Valiente, and the movement adopted an increasingly collaborative attitude. In Navarre in 1958 Joaquín Baleztena resigned and was replaced by Francisco Javier Astráin Baquedano;[176] López Sanz continued to lead El Pensamiento Navarro and apparently did welcome the new policy; also in 1958 he celebrated his "bodas de plata" of 25 years behind the steering wheel of the newspaper[177] and started to give lectures in periodismo.[178] The rapprochement between Carlism and the regime produced new honours for Lopezarra, as in 1960 he received Orden de Cisneros.[179] During formation of the new Cortes in 1961 the regime followed all personal suggestions of Valiente;[180] technically López Sanz was formally elected to Consejo Nacional of the Movimiento from the pool reserved for provincial delegates;[181] this in turn automatically secured his seat in the quasi-parliament.[182] Further honours followed: in 1962 he received Premio Nacional de Periodismo Francisco Franco, which triggered subsequent homages.[183]

Last years at El Pensamiento Navarro

In the early 1960s López Sanz seemed to have abandoned his Juanista leaning; instead, he demonstrated more and more sympathy for the Borbón-Parmas. A Huguista insider described it later as "un curioso fenómeno"[184] and noted that since 1963, when Lopezarra met and entertained princess Maria Teresa de Borbón-Parma in Pamplona, he became her passionate follower, e.g. launching vehement press tirades against these who denied her the title of "infanta".[185] Unlike many older-generation Carlists, lukewarm about prince Hugues now styled as Carlos Hugo, Lopezarra cheered his 1964 marriage with princess Irene of the Netherlands.[186] His full U-turn was later marked by an article, in which he compared Montejurra, the symbol of loyalty, with Estoril - the symbol of treason.[187]

In the mid-1960s Lopezarra engaged in polemics with the former Carlist historian, Román Oyarzun. The latter declared Carlism dead with death of Alfonso Carlos back in 1936, and in the 1960s he played down the annual Montejurra ascent as ridiculous attempts to galvanize a corpse. In 1965 López Sanz for the first time published in the Huguista-controlled periodical Montejurra and accosted Oyarzun,[188] who in turn responded in Autocrítica y crítica de los críticos, an epilogue to another edition of his book on history of Carlism.[189] Also other theoretical articles, published by López Sanz until the mid-1960s, acquired a somewhat new tone; previously a sworn enemy of ideological novelties, he started to pen articles like La Tradición, sintesis del progreso de todos los tiempos,[190] perfectly in line with the Huguista narrative which advanced the theory that progress is embodied in tradition.

However, López Sanz's position towards the regime did not change. In 1964 his term in the Cortes expired;[191] he was re-appointed to X Consejo Nacional of the Movimiento, though this time not from provincial pool but from a somewhat more prestigious pool of personal Franco’s nominees, "consejeros de libre designación".[192] Like in 1961, it automatically translated into another term in the Cortes.[193] The same year he was awarded a new honour, Gran Cruz del Mérito Civil.[194] Less and less active as editor, he nevertheless stuck to his guns when it comes to history, be it Republic or the Civil War. He first lambasted Un millón de muertos, a somewhat unorthodox novel in which José Maria Gironella treated Republican combatants with some comprehension,[195] and then fought back with a separate, anti-Gironella brochure. For the Pamplonese youth he represented the guerracivilista narrative and blind faith in Franco. In 1965 students attacked El Pensamiento premises with stones and tomatoes, protesting against what they claimed was a biased account from an earlier protest rally.[196]

Retirement

In the mid-1960s López Sanz was decreasingly frequently contributing to El Pensamiento Navarro.[197] His 1965 New Year message was still firmly anchored in Traditionalism,[198] yet the 1966 New Year message was already melancholic and dedicated to religious reflection.[199] It proved to be his last one. In 1966 and following 33 years behind the steering wheel of El Pensamiento, the 70-year-old left the post;[200] it is not clear whether he resigned or was talked into resignation, even though he was on excellent terms with equally elderly board of Editorial Navarra. As in 1967 his second term in the Cortes expired[201] and he was not re-appointed, he became a retiree with no public assignments. The same year the nationwide press association conferred upon him the title of "Periodista de Honor".[202]

The years of 1967-1968 mark López Sanz's closer collaboration with the Huguista review Montejurra; in total he contributed 16 articles and proved to be one of key contributors.[203] Though some dwelled on glorious episodes from Carlist history,[204] most were organized along the dynastical thread, e.g. endorsing Portuguese legitimism and discussing its Spanish impact,[205] or denouncing non-functionality of liberal monarchy[206] and the related Alfonsist line.[207] On the other hand, he exalted the requeté tradition[208] and its alleged continuity, the Montejurra ascents.[209] The editorial board referred to him as "asiduo colaborador",[210] cheered his honours[211] and underlined his presence during any events related to the Borbón-Parmas, like the 1968 visit of María Teresa and María Nieves in the sanctuary of Valladolid.[212] Though some scholars claim that Montejurra was "mosaico de opiniones",[213] there is little doubt that the Huguistas, now firmly set on an anti-Traditionalist course, treated López Sanz instrumentally to enhance their Carlist credentials.[214]

It is not clear whether at any point López Sanz realised he was being manipulated; after 1968 he no longer published in Montejurra and was not involved in later Partido Carlista, though this might have been due to stigmatization of all El Pensamiento people by the Huguistas.[215] If somewhat disoriented, he was so rather in relation to the final turn of the Francoist regime and the 1969 ascendance of Don Juan Carlos to the future king of Spain. In a private letter to Fal Lopezarra voiced his disgust, also towards supporter of this course and his former colleague, Zamanillo,[216] which did not prevent him from publishing his contribution in a 1971 anthology of homage articles dedicated to Franco.[217] In 1972, when "political associations" were being introduced, he appeared at meetings of Fuerza Nueva of Blas Piñar,[218] though there is no evidence he joined it and there is no information of public activity of the septuagenarian during very last years of the regime. In 1971, when his successor Javier Pascual was sacked, López Sanz reportedly contributed few more pieces to El Pensamiento.[219] His last appointment came already during transición: in 1976 he entered Consejo Nacional de Prensa, nominated from the pool of ministerial appointments.[220]

Beyond El Pensamiento Navarro

Though he became the face of El Pensamiento and remained associated with the Pamplonese daily for 50 years (1916-1966), he was also either briefly or vaguely related to numerous other titles: El Obrero Sindicalista (which he directed in the early 1910s),[221] Trinchera, Rádica (which he co-ran), regional papers where he rarely published in the 1930s (El Eco de Gerona,[222] Heraldo de Almería,[223] El Cantábrico[224]), a Basque review Euskalerriaren Alde,[225] specialised intellectual periodicals (Letras Regionales, Tradición), Carlist titles El Cruzado Español (in the 1930s) and Boinas Rojas (Málaga, in the 1940s), post-war syndicalist La Tierra,[226] rarely La Voz de Navarra,[227] specialised titles Pregón[228] and Vida Vasca,[229] in the 1950s the semi-official Gaceta de la prensa española[230] and briefly but frequently Montejurra (in the mid-1960s). However, the one which stands out is local Navarrese edition of Hoja de Lunes, a corporate press newspaper issued on Mondays, when most titles did not appear.[231] There are sources which claim he was a long-time director of this publication,[232] yet it is not clear when, possibly after he retired from El Pensamiento.[233] The pen-names he used were mostly "Lopezarra" and "SAB", though also "Agustín de Azcona", "A. de Azcona", "F.L.S.", "Montejurra",[234] "Juan de Albret", and "Sapo".[235]

The stand-alone volumes he published were usually pamphlets of brochures, almost all published as "Francisco López Sanz". The first one was a set of recollections from the 1921-1922 Morocco wartime service, titled Bajo el sol africano. Recuerdos de Marruecos (1926).[236] The Navarrese contribution to Nationalist triumph in the war was acknowledged in a work categorized by scholars as "de corte político-propagandístico",[237] namely Navarra en el Alzamiento Nacional (1939);[238] in the second somewhat revised edition it was re-titled as Navarra en la Cruzada. Episodios, gestos, lenguaje epistolar y anecdotario (1948).[239] Two volumes of selected articles from El Pensamiento Navarro were published as Relente[240] in 1942 and 1947.[241] A loose and rather non-systematic attempt at overall Carlist history, constructed as a series of selected episodes, was embodied in De la historia carlista: abnegación, renunciamiento, heroísmo, sacrificio (1951).[242] An anti-Gironella pamphlet was ¿Un millón de muertos? ¡Pero con héroes y mártires! (1963).[243] The only novel López Sanz wrote, ¡Llevaban su sangre! (1966), became perhaps the most-frequently referred of his works, in history of literature mostly derisively and as an example of die-hard intransigent Nationalist narrative, written 25 years after the Civil War.[244] The last volume, Carlos VII: el rey de los caballeros y el caballero de los reyes (1969),[245] was intended to counter "el odio y la calumnia, celebrando esponsales con la ignorancia, se han juntado para arrojar ira y lodo a esa noble figura del destierro que es Carlos VII".[246]

Reception

One present-day author counted López Sanz among "las principales firmas de entre los literatos navarros de esas décadas;" he meant early- and mid-Francoism and editorial works rather than literature as such.[247] Today he is viewed as one of key figures - if not in fact the most important and “paradigmatic” personality,[248] "perhaps its finest Navarrese exponent"[249]- responsible for the image of heroic Navarre, the region always faithful to its tradition and history, which in turn translated to fervent Catholicism, passionate Navarrese and Spanish patriotism, cultivating family values and, last but not least, Carlism. Almost all contemporary scholars refer this position without slightest sympathy, in best case scenario as utopian,[250] but usually as doctrinaire and revanchist,[251] up the point of charging the author of spreading "la retórica del odio", supporting dictatorship and implicating him in terror and repression.[252]

The key thread in his writings is tradition,[253] present throughout the ages and uniting the past, the present and the future. It might appear as "consanguineal continuity, this ideological steadfastness within the same families ",[254] as religious constancy,[255] as metaphorical fire,[256] as same naming conventions repeated over time[257] or as patterns of behaviour, reproduced across generations.[258] Another fundamental ingredient is Manichean perspective, with exaltation of the "ours", disparagement of the "others", and no room for any in-between area.[259] This is applied mostly to the Civil War,[260] with requetés "unworldly almost to the point of questioning their masculinity"[261] and Republicans as heirs to 19th-century liberals,[262] de-humanized and presented as "bestias epilépticas".[263] Though the fundament of all his writings, currently these features are seldom explored against his journalistic labours; they are rather highlighted in relation to ¡Llevaban su sangre!, the book often presented as curiosity: "representa lo más retrógrado en la mentalidad de los ex-'cruzados'".[264] When consumer society of Spain was already looking towards the post-Francoist era, the novel resurrected the narrative and logic from 30 years ago.[265]

There is relatively little written about López Sanz as editor-in-chief of El Pensamiento Navarro, with close to no attempt to evaluate his performance as chief editor, contributor, leader of a large team or finance manager. Some authors classify the daily of the mid-1960s as an antiquated newspaper badly in need of technological overhaul.[266] Its circulation at the time was some 12,500 copies,[267] a decent performance for a 110,000-inhabitants city.[268] Most commentators extend to El Pensamiento the damning judgement offered with regard to López Sanz's books, yet one notes "la ambigüedad de postura del director de El Pensamiento Navarro"; the ambiguity in question is related to the task of reconciling his Integrist outlook and necessities of daily life.[269] Another commentator, who also eschewed stigmatization, underlined that he managed the daily under heavy-handed regime and navigated between "problemas con la censura o, si bien, el ejercicio de una estudiada autocensura",[270] while his pen has always been "incisiva, culta, bien documentada historicamente".[271] So far, López Sanz has not gained a single monongaphic work and at best his brief biograms[272] or dedicated paragraphs[273] might be found in single books.

References

  1. 1.he was married to Juliana Muru Goñi Huarte (1818-¿), Manuel Maria Lopez Echeverria entry, [in:] Geneaordonez service, available here
  2. 2.Francisco Eustaquio Maria Lopez Muru entry, [in:] Geneaordonez service, available here
  3. 3.she was daughter to a couple from Mendigorría, Francisco Marcelino Latasa Salaberri (1806-?) and Juliana Jeronima Astiz Suescun (Mendigorria 1806-?), Felipa Latasa Astiz entry, [in:] Geneaordonez service, available here
  4. 4.Diario de Navarra 29.08.17
  5. 5.Ángel García-Sanz Marcotegui, Intransigencia, exaltación y populismo. La política navarra en tres semanarios criptocarlistas (1913-1915), Donostia 1994, ISBN 8471482835, p. 33
  6. 6.Agapito Lopez Latasa entry, [in:] Geneaordonez service, available here
  7. 7.Diario de Navarra 16.12.51, El Pensamiento Navarro 16.12.51; in some sources her segundo apellido appears as "Beramendi" or "Veramendi"
  8. 8.she was daughter tp Pedro Sanz Herreros(?-?) and Micaela Martina Dionisia Beramendi Urchipia (1848-?) from Torralba. The latter was in turn daughter to a couple from Santesteban, and maybe - which was not uncommon common these days - she gave birth in the family house of her grandparents in Santesteban. For detailed genealogical tree see Baldomera Sanz Beramendi entry, [in:] Geneaordonez service, available here
  9. 9.García-Sanz 1994, p. 33
  10. 10.his death was acknowledged in the local daily, see Diario de Navarra 29.08.17
  11. 11.these known are Felipa (who became a nun), Saturnino, Dario and María López-Sanz Latasa, El Pensamiento Navarro 12.12.77, available here
  12. 12.his maternal grandfather was a teacher in one of local rural schools, Homenaje a un escritor en Molina de Aragón y recuerdos de mi nuñez, [in:] El Pensamiento Navarro 20.08.63, available here
  13. 13.Rosa Marina Errea Iribas, Javier Maria Pascual y El Pensamiento Navarro: "con él llego el escándalo" (1966-1970), Pamplona 2007, ISBN 9788477681922, p. 69
  14. 14.Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937-1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788487863714, p. 551
  15. 15.Manuel Iribarren, Escritores navarros de ayer y de hoy, Pamplona 1970, p. 141, also Alberto Martínez Artola, López Sanz Latasa, Francisco entry, [in:] Aunamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online, available here; when leaving El Pensamiento Navarro in 1966 he was hailed as "redactor desde hace más de 49 años", Errea Iribas 2007, p. 56
  16. 16.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 551
  17. 17.Iribarren 1970, p. 141. When leaving in 1966 he was "redactor desde hace más de 49 años", Errea Iribas 2007, p. 56
  18. 18.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 551
  19. 19.Diario de Navarra 24.09.21, Diario de Navarra 15.06.43
  20. 20.El Adelanto 01.02.22, available here
  21. 21.except that she was daughter to Francisco Josef Fernandez Arzoz (Morentin 1852-1928) and Brigida Otamendi Asensio (Zudaire 1856-1943), Agustina Fernandez Otamendi entry, [in:] Geneaordonez service, available here l
  22. 22.Diario de Navarra 10.11.28
  23. 23.named Francisco Javier, Jesús María and María de las Mercedes, El Pensamiento Navarro 12.12.77, available here
  24. 24.see e.g. Historia, [in:] Anatasuna service, available here
  25. 25.see Calle Doctor López-Sanz entry, [in:] Callejero service, available here
  26. 26.Jesús López-Sanz Echarren, "Estoy haciendo un documental sobre mi padre", [in:] Diario de Navarra 27.04.08, available here, also El documental El doctor, del pamplonés Jesús López-Sanz, se estrenará en 2010, [in:] Navarra.es service 26.02.10, available here. It is not clear whether the documentary mentioned has ever been completed
  27. 27.including his great-grandfather and grandfather, Manuel Del Arco, Mano a mano: Francisco López-Sans, [in:] La Vanguardia 20.06.60
  28. 28.Del Arco 1960
  29. 29.the collective name is derived from the periodical they edited, titled Napartarra, Javier Díaz Noci, La lengua vasca en la prensa y los comics navarros de la preguerra (1918-1939), [in:] Javier Díaz Noci, Berripaperak(1766 –1937), Donostia 2007, p. 9
  30. 30."esos puercos", Ángel García-Sanz Marcotegui, Fernando García de Cortázar, José María Lorenzo Espinosa, Historia del País Vasco: de los orígenes a nuestros días, Donostia 1994, ISBN 8471482835, p. 52
  31. 31."una de sus figuras principales fue el carlista Francisco López Sanz", Iván Giménez, ELA en Nafarroa. Cien años de transformación y lucha (1911-2011), Tafalla 2012, ISBN 9788415313274, p. 16. The syndicalist episode of López Sanz was well remembered half a century later, see "Vd. mismo, querido D. Francisco, fue en sus buenos años de juventud, sindicalista libre" (a 1970 letter from Antonio Izal Montero to López Sanz), Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641, p. 63
  32. 32.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 551
  33. 33.the owners, who also formed the editorial team, were Ignacio Baleztena, Francisco López Sanz and Juan Larrambebere, Radica: semanario carlista entry, [in:] BiNaDi service, available here
  34. 34.the first issue of Radica, which appeared in December 1919, contained the text, titled De nuestra bandera and signed by López Sanz. The text read that "Dios, Patria y Rey es el lema sacrosanto", Radica 20.12.19, available here
  35. 35.compare Radica 16.07.21, available here. Radica specialized in publishing older articles of de Mella, in which the theorist boasted of his loyalty to the Carlist king
  36. 36.Radica 11.12.20, available here
  37. 37.El Correo Español 19.11.20, available here
  38. 38.El Correo Español 09.02.21, available here
  39. 39.Radica 06.08.21, available here
  40. 40.La Libertad 10.02.22, available here
  41. 41.El Debate 17.04.22, available here
  42. 42.El Pueblo Navarro 10.02.22, available here
  43. 43.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 551; comisión gestora is a temporary, usually appointed body, supposed to manage an entity whose regular governing body, typically an elected one, was suspended or dissolved
  44. 44.El Eco de Gerona 14.05.25, available here
  45. 45.El Pensamiento Navarro 10.05.27, available here
  46. 46.Asilos de Santidad y Mansiones de la Raza del Noble Solar Navarro, see El Eco de Gerona 05.11.27, available here
  47. 47.e.g. in 1922 he ridiculed de Mella that following breakup, he was left only with "un periodiquito de Gerona", Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El cisma mellista. Historia de una ambición política, Madrid 2000, ISBN 9788487863820, p. 236
  48. 48.La Correspondencia de Valencia 11.08.25, available here
  49. 49.El Día Grafico 20.06.29, available here
  50. 50.Diario de Navarra 18.11.27
  51. 51.El Cantabrico 07.03.29, available here
  52. 52.El Eco de Gerona 13.06.25, available here
  53. 53.El Eco de Gerona 16.05.25, available here
  54. 54.Letras Regionales 3/4 (1925), available here
  55. 55.El Pensamiento Navarro 19.04.29, available here
  56. 56.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 551
  57. 57.Miguel Izu, Los concejales de Pamplona de 1931, [in] Noticias de Navarra 24.04.23, available here
  58. 58.El Pensamiento Navarro 17.04.31, available here
  59. 59.e.g. in 1934, befere the Reyes Magos feast, he published a related front-page article, which concluded "Por eso esta Monarquía, la Monarquía tradicional que estos Magos representan", El Pensamiento Navarro 07.01.34, available here
  60. 60.Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Las posturas de la derecha tradicionalista y conservadora navarra entre 1929 y 1940 en relación con la Reintegración Foral, [in:] Historia Constitucional 22 (2021), p. 410
  61. 61.Antonio M. Moral Roncal, La cuestión religiosa en la Segunda República Española: Iglesia y carlismo, Madrid 2009, ISBN 9788497429054, p. 146
  62. 62.El Pensamiento Navarro 18.06.32, available here
  63. 63.Jesús María Fuente Langas, Los tradicionalistas navarros bajo la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923-1930), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 55/202 (1994), p. 424, also Mikelarena Peña 2021, pp. 408-409
  64. 64.apart from having been "cronista deportivo", López Sanz was also actively engaged in football, e.g. in 1931 he held the role of secretario of Comité Regional of Federación Navarra de Fútbol, Guía Industrial y Artistica del Norte 1931, available here
  65. 65.e.g. for a brief 1929 piece on Carlos VII see El Pensamiento Navarro 25.08.25, available here
  66. 66.El Pensamiento Navarro 19.08.31, available here
  67. 67.El Pensamiento Navarro 18.06.32, available here
  68. 68.a slightly unorthodox Carlist periodical referred to him as "nuestro ilustrado colaborador", see El Cruzado Español 31.07.31, available here; however, at the time this title and its editorial board were still considered within limits of the Carlist loyalty
  69. 69.e.g. in 1933 he spoke at a Carlist rally at Oteiza de la Solana, a village in central Navarre, Pensamiento Alaves 03.05.33, available here, and the same year in another Navarrese village Valle de Goñi, El Siglo Futuro 18.05.33, available here
  70. 70.Pensamiento Alaves 12.11.33, available here; some sources claim from November, see José María Corella, Historia de la literatura navarra, Pamplona 1973, ISBN 8440068239, p. 237
  71. 71.Francisco Marquínez y López de Alda died in December 1933, Pensamiento Alaves 13.12.33, available here
  72. 72.see e.g. his 1934 piece, in which he attempts to demonstrate how a liberal MP Antonio Royo Villanova got trapped in his own logic, now calling not to tolerare Communism, El Pensamiento Navarro 28.02.34, available here
  73. 73.El Pensamiento Navarro 29.08.35, available here
  74. 74.El Siglo Futuro 26.02.35, available here
  75. 75.El Pensamiento Navarro 15.04.34, available here
  76. 76.El Pensamiento Navarro 17.08.33, available here
  77. 77."Rara vez estamos de acuerdo con Primo de Rivera, el actual caudillo del fascio español, por que las más de las veces estamos desacordes y tenemos que combatir sus extrañas teorías que más parecen de acercamiento al comunismo o al socialismo", yet at this particular point López Sanz agreed when hailing the grand great Spanish tradition, El Pensamiento Navarro 21.03.35, available here
  78. 78.see e.g. a piece which ridiculed Unamuno, El Pensamiento Navarro 20.03.35, available here, or the one on suicides, El Pensamiento Navarro 24.04.35, available here. The hostility which El Pensamiento demonstrated towards Unamuno allegedly produced a counter-strike (at times this anecdote is related to Pio Baroja): Unamuno mocked the daily title (literally "The Navarrese Thought") as an oxymoronic self-contradition, which blends together two entirely incompatible features: being Navarrese and being able to think, see e.g. Iñaki Soto, «¿Pensamiento y navarro? Imposible», una cita falsa pero ocurrente, [in:] Naiz 13.01.24, available here
  79. 79.Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931-1937), [in:] El Argonauta español 9 (2012), p. 4
  80. 80.in 1935 the Navarrese Carlist junta issued a circular, which allowed only specific newspapers in Carlist círculos; El Pensamiento Navarro was listed along 8 other dailies ('El Siglo Futuro, El Correo Catalan, La Constancia, El Pensamiento Alaves, La Unión, El Eco do Jaén, El Diario de Jerez, El Correo da Tortosa), El Pensamiento Navarro 24.04.35, available here. In March 1935 all managers of Carlist periodicals were convened to meet the Carlist political leader Manuel Fal Conde; strict rules as to co-ordination and editorial policy were enforced, José Luis Agudín Menéndez, "El Siglo Futuro". Un diario carlista en tiempos republicanos (1931-1936), Zaragoza 2023, ISBN 9788413405667, p. 387, Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. XXX/1, Sevilla 1979, p. 113
  81. 81.e.g. he was present at a February rally in Artajona; the voice was heard from the crowd: "we do not need leaflets! we need rifles!", Montejurra III/36 (1968), pp. 35
  82. 82.El Pensamiento Navarro 24.01.36, available here
  83. 83.El Pensamiento Navarro 26.01.36, available here
  84. 84.e.g. that as revolution keeps advancing, its left-wing Republican allies would soon be done away with, El Pensamiento Navarro 23.04.36, available here
  85. 85.for his presence at the 1936 function of Martites de la Tradición see Pensamiento Alaves 16.03.36, available here
  86. 86.compere e.g. Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 8487863523, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521086349, Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936–1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, Antonio de Lizarza et al., Navarra Fue La Primera 1936–1939, Pamplona 2006, ISBN 8493508187
  87. 87.together with Eladio Esparza, Mikelarena Peña 2021, p. 429
  88. 88.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 551
  89. 89.its purpose was to "pedir a Dios, mediante la poderosa intercesión de la Santísima Virgen y del Glorioso Patrón de España, que corone con el éxito final la heroica gesta contrarrevolucionaria", Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Diario de Navarra como cruce de caminos de la conjuración y de los partidos derechistas navarros hasta julio de 1936 y su posterior proceso de “carlistización”, [in:] Hispania 83/275 (2023), p. 8
  90. 90.he was nominated by JCCGN on July 20, 1936, together with Luis Oroz Zabaleta, Justo Garrán, Pedro José Arraiza, Ignacio Sanz González and Juan Ángel Ortigosa, but the body did not produce anything meaningful until unification, Mikelarena Peña 2021, pp. 428-429, Javier Ugarte Tellería, El carlismo en la guerra del 36: la formación de un cuasi-estado nacional-corporativo y foral en la zona vasco-navarra, [in:] Historia Contemporanea 38 (2009), p. 62
  91. 91.Labor 07.09.36, available here
  92. 92.Mikelarena Peña 2021, p. 429
  93. 93.e.g. on July 29, 1936 he wrote that "La Tradición tiene nuevos mártires. Una oración por ellos y, ¡arriba el corazón!" El Pensamiento Navarro 29.07.36, available here
  94. 94.Pensamiento Alaves 22.01.37, available here
  95. 95.Boinas Rojas 06.03.37, available here
  96. 96.Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 272-273
  97. 97.see e.g. the report from the frontline titled "Magnifico ejemplo de resignación y de espiritu. Todo por la Religión y la Patria, El Pensamiento Navarro 07.04.37, available here
  98. 98.El Pensamiento Navarro 11.04.37, available here
  99. 99.see the April 24, 1937 article by a "Ferminico" [??], which claims that Comunión Tradicionalista, always among the frontline patriots, believed that "if Spain was sanable, it was only by means of assimilation of forces of all good Spaniards" ("si España era sanable, solo lo seria mediante la asimilación a si por todos los buenos españoles"), El Pensamiento Navarro 24.04.37, available here
  100. 100.El Pensamiento Navarro 20.04.37, available here
  101. 101.El Pensamiento Navarro 21.04.37, available here
  102. 102.Josep Miralles Climent, La rebeldía carlista. Memoria de una represión silenciada: Enfrentamientos, marginación y persecución durante la primera mitad del régimen franquista (1936-1955), Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416558711, pp. 100-101, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), p. 100
  103. 103.some press people, either Carlists like López Sanz or sympathetic like Esparza were invited; Rodezno delivered a briefind on how unification was going, and it was agreed to send envoys to Don Javier to convince him to consent, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 50
  104. 104.Ricardo Ollaquindia, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Principe de Viana 56/2-5 (1995), p. 498
  105. 105.be it Raimundo García García Garcilaso (member of FET Consejo Nacional) or Eladio Esparza Aguinaga (civil governor of Alava)
  106. 106.see Josep Miralles Climent, La rebeldía carlista. Memoria de una represión silenciada: Enfrentamientos, marginación y persecución durante la primera mitad del régimen franquista (1936-1955), Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416558711, Juan-Cruz Allí Aranguren, El carlismo de Franco. De Rodezno a Carlos VIII [PhD thesis UNED], s.l. 2021
  107. 107.Maria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945-1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101–120
  108. 108.López Sanz is not a single time mentioned in monographic works on unification process, see Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, ISBN 9788423533657, and Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, FET y de las JONS como fuente de disenso en el Franquismo a la luz del concepto "Resistenz", [in:] Ayer 126 (2022), pp. 79-105; see also Manuel Martorell, Josep Miralles Climent, Carlismo y represión "franquista": tres estudios sobre la Guerra Civil y la posguerra, Madrid 2009, ISBN 9788495735386
  109. 109.El Pensamiento Navarro 08.05.38, available here
  110. 110.out of 600 of shares issued by Editorial Navarra Rodezno held 200, Arellano 150 and two Baleztena brothers 50 each, González Calleja 2012, p. 29
  111. 111.compare El Pensamiento Navarro 18.06.37, available here
  112. 112.El Pensamiento Navarro 30.04.37, available here
  113. 113.compare e.g. the one on education, El Pensamiento Navarro 08.10.37, available here, on the conquest of Asturias, El Pensamiento Navarro 24.10.37, available here, on heroic requetés, El Pensamiento Navarro 31.10.37, available here, or a historiosophic pieces on republicanism, El Pensamiento Navarro 29.10.37, available here
  114. 114.wartime El Pensamiento Navarro is considered of little historiographic value by scholars, as plagued by imprecise, manipulated or invented detailes, e.g. about "tres Tercios de Cáceres" or "tercio de ingenieros navarros", Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936–1939, Madrid, 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, p. 157, though at times López Sanz was right against all others, see Aróstegui 2013, p. 375
  115. 115.El Pensamiento Navarro 20.03.38, available here
  116. 116.El Pensamiento Navarro 08.05.38, available here
  117. 117.El Pensamiento Navarro 20.11.38, available here
  118. 118.El Pensamiento Navarro 08.05.38, available here
  119. 119.e.g. Beunza, El Pensamiento Navarro 18.09.38, available here
  120. 120.El Pensamiento Navarro 31.03.38, available here
  121. 121.El Pensamiento Navarro 30.01.38, available here
  122. 122."D.P.R." stands for the Carlist motto "Dios Patria Rey", God-Fatherland-King
  123. 123.as someone hiding in the rear doing post and having no courage to fight, like the Carlists have been doing for a century, El Pensamiento Navarro 31.12.38, available here
  124. 124.El Pensamiento Navarro 10.02.38, available here
  125. 125.El Pensamiento Navarro 27.02.38, available here
  126. 126.El Pensamiento Navarro 08.12.37, available here
  127. 127."un destacado integrista doctrinal, religioso y un rodeznista político y dinástico" Allí Aranguren 2021, p. 527
  128. 128.which included "Arellano, Martínez Berasain, López Sanz", different from the Baleztenas and Francisco Javier Astráin, who on directives from Fal tried to bring this faction to discipline, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957-1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), p. 395
  129. 129.not to mention non-Navarros, first of all Manuel Fal Conde
  130. 130.Miralles Climent 2018, p. 103
  131. 131.Miralles Climent 2018, p. 106, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, pp. 160-161
  132. 132.it was dedicated to Tercio de Montejurra and was about to be printed in 2,500 copies, Manuel de Santa Cruz, Apuntes y documentos para la historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. 2, Sevilla 1979, 18-21
  133. 133.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 551
  134. 134.together with Justo Garran he was one of 2 Carlists of certain weight, appointed to this body, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 141
  135. 135.historiographic opinions as to relations between López Sanz and Fal are unclear. One author underlines that in 1944 López Sanz co-signed a letter which contained veiled criticism of falcondismo, considered excessivelly centralised management, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 206; though elsewhere it appears that López Sanz was among Fal's key contacts in Navarre, at least judging by the amount of correspondence between the two, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 145
  136. 136.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 142
  137. 137.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 173
  138. 138.“el único diario español que se permitió mantener en los años 40 una política contraria al Eje”, quoted after Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 260-261
  139. 139.El Pensamiento Navarro 16.07.40, available here
  140. 140.El Pensamiento Navarro 02.05.45, available here
  141. 141.El Pensamiento Navarro 03.05.45, available here
  142. 142.as having been part of "legitimidad de ejercicio", Villanueva Martínez 1998, pp. 316-317
  143. 143.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 367
  144. 144.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 436
  145. 145.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 150
  146. 146.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 159
  147. 147.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 158
  148. 148.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 160
  149. 149.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 212, 231. Since 1944 there was no jefe regional and the position remained vacant, Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 110
  150. 150.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 239
  151. 151.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 223-224
  152. 152.he openly lamented not having a king, as regency made Comunión Tradicionalista inefficient; he claimed it would not be imprudent to sound Don Juan, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 242-243
  153. 153.the missing ones were the Carloctavistas, like Jaime del Burgo or Amadeo Marco, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 274-275
  154. 154.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 281
  155. 155.Miralles Climent 2018, p. 100
  156. 156.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 325-326
  157. 157.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 326
  158. 158."el periódico se abstenía de todo color para favorecer aquel juanista", Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 327
  159. 159.Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 110
  160. 160."haberse manifestado en privado, aunque coma una 'vacilación pasajera', por la candidatura de D. Juan de Borbón", Miralles Climent 2018, p. 100
  161. 161.in private he wrote "sólo en don Juan es posible la restauración de la monarquía y sólo puede ser nuestro rey en la orfandad". He rejected "puritanos", who "quieren darnos lecciones de carlismo a los carlistas". To López Sanz Don Javier was a Frenchman who "no podía representar dignamente la Jefatura máxima del carlismo español", quoted after Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 327
  162. 162.in 1947 López Sanz co-signed a letter to Fall, protesting venomous Ferrer's pamphlet against Rodezno; the signatories defended Rodezno by claiming that all his approaches to Don Juan were perfectly legitimate and within limits of the Carlist discipline. They also called for a grand assembly, Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 305
  163. 163.Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 349
  164. 164.in his 1948 open letter to López Sanz Ferrer wrote: "Yo comprendo que se dolerá Vd. cuando le llamo juanista. Debo hacerle justicia. Porque Vd., yo lo comprendo, no es juanista de corazón, es juanista de resignación. […] hay que ir a don Juan porque Vd. no ve de momento otro príncipe posible", quoted after Allí Aranguren 2021, p. 528
  165. 165.Allí Aranguren 2021, p. 528
  166. 166.Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 334
  167. 167.Lavardín 1976, p. 162
  168. 168."Pero muerto Rodezno en 1952 López Sanz abandonó a Don Juan y se pasó al bando de Don Javier de Borbón-Parma", Pequeña Historia del Pensamiento, [in:] Tierra Vasca [Mexico] 175 (1971) available here
  169. 169.Gaceta de la Prensa Española 01.05.54, available here
  170. 170.Gaceta de la Prensa Española 01.07.54, available here
  171. 171.El Diario Palentino 26.12.56, available here
  172. 172.Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 287
  173. 173.El Pensamiento Navarro 05.05.53, available here
  174. 174.Lavardín 1976, p. 61
  175. 175.Vázquez de Prada 2011, p. 402, also Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, p. 66
  176. 176.Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, La oposición al colaboracionismo carlista en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 76/262 (2015), p. 797
  177. 177.Hoja de Lunes 12.10.58, available here
  178. 178.at Curso de Verano in periodismo, organized by Opus Dei in Pamplona, El Diario Palentino 26.12.56, available here
  179. 179.Gaceta de la Prensa Española 01.09.60, available here
  180. 180.Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 135
  181. 181.El Diario Palentino 24.04.61, available here
  182. 182.El Diario Palentino 24.04.61, available here
  183. 183.Errea Iribas 2007, p. 69
  184. 184.Javier Lavardín, Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, p. 162
  185. 185.Lavardín 1976, p. 163
  186. 186.Lavardín 1976, p. 220
  187. 187.Montejurra II/17 (1966), p. 27
  188. 188.see Montejurra I/10 (1965), p. 10
  189. 189.in the epilogue to his work Oyarzun wrote "El amable crítico de El Pensamiento Navarro destaca como mérito de mi libro 'el noble deseo de recopilar'; agrega que 'es de alabar su buen deseo, su esfuerzo'. Es lástima que yo no pueda elogiar ni siquiera el buen deseo ni el esfuerzo de mi crítico pamplonés, Lopezarra", see Román Oyarzun, Historia del Carlismo, Madrid 1965, p. 502. The epilogue was dropped in later editions
  190. 190.he argued that tradition is not mere conservation and getting stalled in the past, but it is progress based on values rooted in the past; Traditionalists are not enemies of progress "aunque de esta palabra pretendieran hacer monopolio los estanqueros de la libertad", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 47
  191. 191.Lopez Sainz Latasa, Francisco entry, [in:] official Cortes service, available here
  192. 192.La Prensa 19.06.64, available here
  193. 193.see his 1961 ticket at Lopez Sainz Latasa, Francisco entry, [in:] official Cortes service, available here
  194. 194.El Diario Palentino 14.04.61, available here
  195. 195.Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 56
  196. 196.Hoja Oficial de Lunes 20.07.64, available here
  197. 197.he was usually though not every day filling as SAB his personal left-hand last-page column Glosas
  198. 198.though paradoxically, it featured Vázquez de Mella as authority, the theorist he mocked at the very beginning of his journalistic career in 1919. Vázquez de Mella was featured with a large photo and presented as authority on Tradition and opposed against supposedly liberal thinkers, like Unamuno and Ortega, El Pensamiento Navarro 01.01.65, available here
  199. 199.El Pensamiento Navarro 01.01.66, available here
  200. 200.Errea Iribas 2007, p. 55-56. Some sources claim he ceased as director of El Pensamiento in 1964, see Villanueva Martínez 1998, p. 551. The first issue with Pascual officially listed as director was the one of 10 April 1966, El Pensamiento Navarro 10.04.66. available here
  201. 201.see his 1964 ticket at Lopez Sainz Latasa, Francisco entry, [in:] official Cortes service, available here
  202. 202.Errea Iribas 2007, p. 69
  203. 203.1 article in 1965, 1 in 1966, 8 in 1967 and 6 in 1968
  204. 204.see his large poem on tercios, Montejurra II/25 (1967), pp. 18-20
  205. 205.Montejurra II/28 (1967), pp. 26-27, Montejurra II/29 (1967), pp. 23-24, Montejurra II/30 (1967), pp. 26-27, also Montejurra II/24 (1967), pp. 24-25, Montejurra III/33 (1968), pp. 38-39, Montejurra III/34 (1968), pp. 22-23
  206. 206.Montejurra III/35 (1968), pp. 30-31
  207. 207.Montejurra II/23 (1967) pp. 18-20
  208. 208.Montejurra II/24 (1967), pp. 24-25
  209. 209.Montejurra II/26 (1967), pp. 38-40, Montejurra III/38 (1968), pp. 22-24
  210. 210.Montejurra III/36 (1968), pp. 36
  211. 211.Montejurra III/42 (1968), pp. 21
  212. 212.Montejurra III/36 (1968), pp. 16
  213. 213.and those publishing included "progresistas, integristas, opusdeístas colaboracionistas, legitimistas, antifranquistas", Miralles Climent 2015, p. 47
  214. 214.see the account of two Huguista insiders (though some claim the author was one and the same person), Ramón Massó, Navegando por el cachondeo de la historia, Barcelona 2012, ISBN 9788493998707, pp. 164-202, and Javier Lavardín, Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, pp. 119-289
  215. 215.Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 303-304
  216. 216.in 1969 he wrote in a private letter to Fal: "¿Y qué me dice usted de la bullanguera sucesión con el refuerzo de la monarquía sin monárquicos apoyada por el voto vergonzante de Zamanillo?", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 185
  217. 217.Pueblo 08.11.71, available here
  218. 218.El Adelantado 10.10.72, available here
  219. 219.Víctor Moreno, El 14 de abril y la retórica del odio, [in:] Naiz 17.04.26, available here
  220. 220.Hoja Oficial de Lunes 29.03.76, available here
  221. 221.El Pensamiento Navarro 14.12.77, available here
  222. 222.El Eco de Gerona 13.06.25, available here
  223. 223.Heraldo de AlmeriA 01.08.31, available here
  224. 224.see his quite unusual piece on the role of love in daily life, El Cantabrico 09.09.32, available here
  225. 225.his identified articles published in Euskalerriaren Alde are Carlos III el Noble y el Príncipe de Viana (1926), Las dos Princesas de Viana. Su parecido y desemejanza (1926), and El nogal de Irantzu (1926), Iribarren 1970, p. 142
  226. 226.La Tierra. Organo de la Asociación de Labradores y Ganadores del Alto Aragón. See e.g. his article against amnesty, La Tierra 23.07.35, available here
  227. 227.La Voz de Navarra 27.04.35, available here
  228. 228.a review of "influencia costumbrista", Carlos Mata Induráin, Panorama del cuento literario navarro en el siglo XX, [in:] Príncipe de Viana LX/216 (1999), p. 245
  229. 229.in Vida Vasca he used to publish historiciographic pieces, e.g. La Cruz negra (1946), El nogal de Iranzu (1948, re-publication from 1926), Rincones pamploneses: La Dormitalería (1950), Miguel Los Santos Uhide, Vida Vasca, [in:] Cosas mías service, available here
  230. 230.see e.g. his article titled La verdad, escudo del periodista, Gaceta de la prensa española 01.08.53, available here
  231. 231.there were specific editions for major regions, and the one for Navarre (issued by Asociación de la Prensa de Pamplona) was issued as Lunes. Hoja Oficial de Navarra. Following 1925 strikes of journalists, who demanded the right for Sunday rest, it was agreed to publish a news gazette, issued by the local press association. By default its editor-in-chief was not allowed to be the president of the local press association, see Hoja de Lunes, el único periódico autorizado a publicarse los lunes desde 1925 hasta 1982, [in:] Periódicos Históricos 25.01.24, available here
  232. 232.Miguel José Izu Belloso, Saiz-Calderón y los escritores navarrosde hace un siglo, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 85/288 (2024), p. 21
  233. 233.Izu Belloso 2024, p. 173. The president of local press association was by default banned from editing Hoja de Lunes. There is no list of all presidents of Navarrese Asociacion available. At the moment every next statute was adopted the presidents were: 1911: Eustaquio de Echave Sustaeta; 1925: Francisco Javier Arvizu y Aguado; 1944: Angel María Pascual; 1971: José Luis Olio; 1977: Fernando Pérez Olio; 1984: Jorge Nagore, Carlos Albillo Torres, Historia de la Asociación de la prensa de Pamplona a través de sus estatutos (1911-1986), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 15
  234. 234.El Pensamiento Navarro 14.12.77, available here
  235. 235.José María Corella, Historia de la literatura navarra. Ensayo para una historia literaria del viejo Reino, Madrid 1973, ISBN 9788440068231, p. 237
  236. 236."tienen que ver más con la plasmación de recuerdos íntimos y autobiográficos", Mata Induraín 1999, p. 262
  237. 237.Iribarren 1970, p. 141, also Alberto Martínez Artola, López Sanz Latasa, Francisco entry, [in:] Aunamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online, available here
  238. 238.see AbeBooks service, available here
  239. 239.see AbeBooks service, available here. The volume was prologued by archbishop of Valencia Marcelino Olaechea
  240. 240.in the post-war period López Sanz was populating 3 columns, De los tiempos pasados, but also Relente and Glosas
  241. 241.see AbeBooks service, available here
  242. 242.the volume was prologued by Jesús Elizalde. It was focused on history, with large sections dedicated to Carlos V (pp. 13-170), Carlos VI (171-210), and Carlos VII (211-377). It is striking there was no section dedicated to Juan III. See AbeBooks service, available here
  243. 243."even more than 20 years after the war was over the traditional Right was moved to paroxysms of anger by 'objective' novelising on the Civil War", Gareth Thomas, The Novel of the Spanish Civil War, Cambridge 1990, ISBN 0521371589, p. 16
  244. 244.the narrative tells the tale of a few generations from one Carlist family, all males and females united not only by the title blood in their veins, but also by their Traditionalist values, see e.g. Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876–1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788496467347, p. 266 (the topic of common blood) or Por Dios, por la patria y el rey. Llas ideas del Carlismo: IV Jornadas de Estudio del Carlismo, Pamplona 2011, ISBN 9788423532759, p. 244 (the topic of the name "Carlos"). In the prologue the author warns against “los progresistas, los campeones del disimulo y los férvidos varones de la mano tendida”, and intends to demostrate that understanding for the Republicans and their supportes makes no sense, as they would only respond “con la más vil, innoble e imperdonable ingratitud". Some scholars claim that "el libro de López-Sanz representa lo más retrógrado en la mentalidad de los ex-'cruzados', Piotr Sawicki, La narrativa española de la Guerra Civil (1936-1975). Propaganda, testimonio y memoria creativa, Alicante 2010, p. 198
  245. 245.see AbeBooks service, available here
  246. 246.see marketing information, available at TodoColección service here
  247. 247.Mata Induráin 1999, p. 245
  248. 248.Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, La utopia de la identidad unitaria: Navarra y el carlismo, [in:] Investigaciones históricas 17 (1997) [furtherly referred as Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997b], p. 300
  249. 249.Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN 9780874173444, p. 114
  250. 250.Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997b, p. 305
  251. 251.MacClancy 2000, pp. 17-18, 19, 24, 31-32, 114
  252. 252.Moreno 2026
  253. 253.he is counted among "una generación ... volcada hacia la reconstrucción, entre erudita y fuertemente ideologizada del pasado histórico de la provincia" Javier Ugarte Tellería, La nueva Covadonga insurgente: orígenes sociales y culturales de la sublevación de 1936 en Navarra y el País Vasco, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788470305313, p. 319
  254. 254.an anthropologist scholar points to his vision of "consanguineal continuity, this ideological steadfastness within the same families over generations", at times like "merged Church and Carlist blood", which are vital in the post-war Carlist theoretical toolset, MacClancy 2000, pp. 31-32
  255. 255.in his writings on Montejurra rallies there are "constantes las referencias al pasado en torno a la unidad religiosa como reflejo del elemento básico que había que defender y que, a su vez, fundamentaba el conjunto. Este elemento se completaba con el patriotismo enclavado en la Esparia de las glorias imperiales", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997b, p. 300
  256. 256.Canal i Morell 2006, p. 266
  257. 257.Por Dios, por la patria y el rey. Las ideas del Carlismo: IV Jornadas de Estudio del Carlismo, Pamplona 2011, ISBN 9788423532759, p. 244
  258. 258.Canal i Morell 2006, pp. 321-322
  259. 259."En ninguno de sus textos habrá un espacio para la reconciliación. Su lenguaje lo utilizó únicamente para legitimar su reiterativo «ajuste de cuentas» iniciado el 18 de julio de 1936", Moreno 2026
  260. 260."in reaction to the proposals then being made by some of the dialogue between the opposed groups and to calls of the need to forget the war" he criticised Gironella "that advanced the then-daring thesis that the Republicans and the insurgents should be considered as morally equal", MacClancy 2000, pp. 17-18
  261. 261.an anthropologist singled out López Sanz as the most prominent and outspoken author who built the propagandistic vision of "representing the Requetés" and "sought to counter any liberal backsliding and to reaffirm the Carlist spirit"; ¡Llevaban su sangre! was written with such a deep faith that "made them [requetes] seem unwordly almost to the point of questioning their masculinity", they harbor no doubts, do not waiver, are unable to exact revenge, do not indulge in looting, refuse joining a firing squad, unstained by sin and sexually chaste, and for them, the war is "road to celestial happiness", sacrifice for the cause of God and Virgin Mary, MacClancy 2000, p. 19
  262. 262.MacClancy, p. 24
  263. 263.Moreno 2026
  264. 264.Sawicki 2010, p. 198
  265. 265.Canal i Morell 2006, p. 266, Sawicki 2010, p. 198, MacClancy 2000, pp. 17-18, Moreno 2026
  266. 266.Errea Iribas 2007, pp. 72-76
  267. 267.Errea Iribas 2007, p. 437
  268. 268.though behind Diario de Navarra and proportionally behind e.g. the neighbouring Heraldo de Aragón, issued in 50,000 copies for the region 2.5 times the size of Navarre, Francisco Javier Davara Torrego, Los periódicos españoles en el tardo franquismo. Consecuencias de la nueva ley de prensa, [in:] Comunicación y hombre: Revista interdisciplinaria de ciencias de la comunicación y humanidades 1 (2005), p. 143
  269. 269.see "la ambigüedad de postura del director de El Pensamiento Navarro, entre el integrismo religioso y ultramontano de sus 'Glosas' diarias", Allí Aranguren 2021, p. 527
  270. 270."no es fácil saber si tuvo problemas con la censura o, si bien, el ejercicio de una estudiada autocensura le permitía un desahogado ejercicio". El Pensamiento Navarro was "instructivo", "informativo", but also "religioso" and "conservador", hailing social order, family, "propiedad", it also "defendía el foralismo", in social issues favored "cooperativismo" and "no utilizaba la farragosidad ni el insulto", Errea Iribas 2007, p. 70
  271. 271.Errea Iribas 2007, p. 71
  272. 272.see an 80-word note in Villanueva Martinez 1998, p. 551
  273. 273.like a 20-line note in Sawicki 2010, p. 198