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Christopher Columbus

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Admiral of the Ocean Sea
Christopher Columbus
Painting said to be a posthumous portrait of Christopher Columbus, by Sebastiano del Piombo, 1519 a
Painting said to be a posthumous portrait of Christopher Columbus, by Sebastiano del Piombo, 1519 a
1st Governor of the Indies
In office
1492–1499
Appointed by Isabella I of Castile
Preceded by Office established
Succeeded by Francisco de Bobadilla
Personal details
Born Between 25 August and 31 October 1451
Genoa, Republic of Genoa
Died 20 May 1506 (aged 54)
Valladolid, Spain
Resting place Seville Cathedral, Seville, Spain
Spouse Filipa Moniz Perestrelo
(m. 1479; died 1484)
Domestic partner Beatriz Enríquez de Arana
Children Diego
Ferdinand
Diego (adopted Lucayan)
Parents Domenico Colombo (father)
Susanna Fontanarossa (mother)
Relatives Bartholomew Columbus (brother)
Occupation Explorer
navigator

Christopher Columbus[1] (/kəˈlʌmbəs/;[2] between 25 August and 31 October 1451 – 20 May 1506) was an Italian[3][4] explorer and navigator from the Republic of Genoa[3][5] who completed four Spanish transatlantic voyages in the name of the Catholic Monarchs, opening the way for the widespread European exploration and colonization of the Americas. His expeditions were the first known European contact with the Caribbean and Central and South America.

The name Christopher Columbus is the anglicization of the Latin Christophorus Columbus. Growing up on the coast of Liguria, he went to sea at a young age and traveled widely, as far north as the British and Irish Isles and as far south as what is now Ghana. He married Portuguese noblewoman Filipa Moniz Perestrelo, who bore a son, Diego, and was based in Lisbon for several years. He later took a Castilian mistress, Beatriz Enríquez de Arana, who bore a son, Ferdinand.[6]

Largely self-educated, Columbus was knowledgeable in geography, astronomy, and history. He developed a plan to seek a western sea passage to the East Indies, hoping to profit from the lucrative spice trade. After the Granada War, and Columbus's persistent lobbying in multiple kingdoms, the Catholic Monarchs, Queen Isabella I and King Ferdinand II, agreed to sponsor a journey west. Columbus left the Port of Palos in August 1492 with three ships and made landfall in the Americas on 12 October, ending the period of human habitation in the Americas now referred to as the pre-Columbian era. His landing place was an island in the Bahamas, known by its native inhabitants as Guanahani. He then visited the islands now known as Cuba and Hispaniola, establishing a colony in what is now Haiti. Columbus returned to Castile in early 1493, with captured natives. Word of his voyage soon spread throughout Europe.

Columbus made three further voyages to the Americas, exploring the Lesser Antilles in 1493, Trinidad and the northern coast of South America in 1498, and the east coast of Central America in 1502. Many of the names given to geographical features by Columbus, particularly the names of islands, are still in use. He gave the name indios ('Indians') to the Indigenous peoples he encountered. The extent to which he was aware that the Americas were a wholly separate landmass is uncertain; he never clearly renounced his belief he had reached the Far East. As a colonial governor, Columbus was accused by some of his contemporaries of significant brutality and removed from the post. Columbus's strained relationship with the Crown of Castile and its colonial administrators in America led to his arrest and removal from Hispaniola in 1500, and later to protracted litigation over the privileges he and his heirs claimed were owed to them by the Crown.

Columbus's expeditions inaugurated a period of exploration, conquest, and colonization that lasted for centuries, thus bringing the Americas into the European sphere of influence. The transfer of plants, animals, precious metals, culture, human populations, technology, diseases, and ideas between the Old World and New World that followed his first voyage are known as the Columbian exchange, named after him. These events and the effects which persist to the present are often cited as the beginning of the modern era.[7][8] Diseases introduced from the Old World contributed to the genocide of Hispaniola's Indigenous peoples, who were also subject to enslavement and other mistreatments by Columbus's government. Increased public awareness of these interactions has led to Columbus being less celebrated in Western culture, which has historically idealized him as a heroic discoverer. Numerous places have been named for him.

Early life

Over the centuries, authors and scholars have proposed many theories about Columbus's origins, often to claim his heritage for their own country. However, the scholarly consensus is that Columbus was born in the Republic of Genoa, sometime between 25 August and 31 October 1451.[9] His father was Domenico Colombo, a wool weaver who worked in Genoa and Savona, and owned a cheese stand at which young Christopher worked. His mother was Susanna Fontanarossa.[10] He had three brothers—Bartholomew, Giovanni Pellegrino, and Giacomo (also called Diego)[11]—as well as a sister, Bianchinetta.[12] Bartholomew ran a cartography workshop in Lisbon for at least part of his adulthood.[13]

Columbus is presumed to have spoken a Genoese dialect (Ligurian) as his native language, though he probably never wrote in it.[14] His name in 15th-century Genoese was Cristoffa Corombo;[15] in Italian, Cristoforo Colombo; and in Spanish, Cristóbal Colón.[16][17]

In one of his writings, Columbus says he went to sea at age 14.[14] In 1470, the family moved to Savona, where Domenico took over a tavern. Some modern authors have argued that he was not from Genoa, but from the Aragon region of Spain[18] or from Portugal.[19] These competing hypotheses have been discounted by most scholars.[20][21]

In 1473, Columbus began his apprenticeship as business agent for the wealthy Spinola, Centurione, and Di Negro families of Genoa.[22] Later, he made a trip to the Greek island Chios in the Aegean Sea, then ruled by Genoa.[23] In May 1476, he took part in an armed convoy sent by Genoa to carry valuable cargo to northern Europe. He probably visited Bristol, England,[24] and Galway, Ireland,[25] where he may have visited St. Nicholas' Collegiate Church.[26] In August 1476, Columbus was shipwrecked on the coast of Lagos, Portugal after the ship he was on, part of a Genoese trading fleet, was attacked by French and Portuguese vessels. After the shipwreck, Columbus travelled to Lisbon, where he lived for several years.[27] It has been speculated he went to Iceland in 1477, though many scholars doubt this.[28] It is known that in the autumn of 1477, he sailed on a Portuguese ship from Galway to Lisbon, where he found his brother Bartholomew, and they continued trading for the Centurione family. Columbus based himself in Lisbon from 1477 to 1485. In 1478, the Centuriones sent Columbus on a sugar-buying trip to Madeira.[29] He married Felipa Perestrello e Moniz, daughter of Bartolomeu Perestrello, a Portuguese nobleman of Lombard origin,[30] who had been the donatary captain of Porto Santo.[31]

In 1479 or 1480, Columbus's son Diego was born. Between 1482 and 1485, Columbus traded along the coasts of West Africa, reaching the Portuguese trading post of Elmina at the Guinea coast in present-day Ghana.[32] Before 1484, Columbus returned to Porto Santo to find that his wife had died.[33] He returned to Portugal to settle her estate and take Diego with him.[34] He left Portugal for Castile in 1485, where he took a mistress in 1487, a 20-year-old orphan named Beatriz Enríquez de Arana.[35] It is likely that Beatriz met Columbus when he was in Córdoba, a gathering place for Genoese merchants and where the court of the Catholic Monarchs was located at intervals. Beatriz, unmarried at the time, gave birth to Columbus's second son, Fernando Columbus, in July 1488, named for the monarch of Aragon. Columbus recognized the boy as his offspring. Columbus entrusted his older, legitimate son Diego to take care of Beatriz and pay the pension set aside for her following his death, but Diego was negligent in his duties.[36]

Columbus learned Latin, Portuguese, and Castilian. He read widely about astronomy, geography, and history, including the works of Ptolemy, Pierre d'Ailly's Imago Mundi, the travels of Marco Polo and Sir John Mandeville, Pliny's Natural History, and Pope Pius II's Historia rerum ubique gestarum. According to historian Edmund Morgan,

Columbus was not a scholarly man. Yet he studied these books, made hundreds of marginal notations in them and came out with ideas about the world that were characteristically simple and strong and sometimes wrong...[37]

Quest for Asia

Background

Under the Mongol Empire's hegemony over Asia and the Pax Mongolica, Europeans had long enjoyed a safe land passage on the Silk Road to India, parts of East Asia, including China and Maritime Southeast Asia, which were sources of valuable goods. With the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire in 1453, the Silk Road was closed to Christian traders.[38]

In 1474, the Florentine astronomer Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli suggested to King Afonso V of Portugal that sailing west across the Atlantic would be a quicker way to reach Asia than the route around Africa, but Afonso rejected his proposal.[39][40] In the 1480s, Columbus and his brother proposed a plan to reach the East Indies by sailing west. Columbus supposedly wrote to Toscanelli in 1481 and received encouragement, along with a copy of a map the astronomer had sent Afonso implying that a westward route to Asia was possible.[41] Columbus's plans were complicated by Bartolomeu Dias's rounding of the Cape of Good Hope in 1488, which suggested the Cape Route around Africa to Asia.[42]

Columbus had to wait until 1492 for King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella of Spain to support his voyage across the Atlantic to find gold, spices, a safer route to the East, and converts to Christianity.[43]

Carol Delaney and other commentators have argued that Columbus was a Christian millennialist and apocalypticist and that these beliefs motivated his quest for Asia in a variety of ways. Columbus often wrote about seeking gold in the log books of his voyages and writes about acquiring it "in such quantity that the sovereigns... will undertake and prepare to go conquer the Holy Sepulchre" in a fulfillment of Biblical prophecy.[44] Columbus often wrote about converting all races to Christianity.[45] Abbas Hamandi argues that Columbus was motivated by the hope of "[delivering] Jerusalem from Muslim hands" by "using the resources of newly discovered lands".[46]

Geographical considerations

Despite a popular misconception to the contrary, nearly all educated Westerners of Columbus's time knew that the Earth is spherical, a concept that had been understood since antiquity.[47] The techniques of celestial navigation, which uses the position of the Sun and the stars in the sky, had long been in use by astronomers and were beginning to be implemented by mariners.[48][49]

However, Columbus made several errors in calculating the size of the Earth, the distance the continent extended to the east, and therefore the distance to the west to reach his goal.

First, as far back as the 3rd century BC, Eratosthenes had correctly computed the circumference of the Earth by using simple geometry and studying the shadows cast by objects at two remote locations.[50][51] In the 1st century BC, Posidonius confirmed Eratosthenes's results by comparing stellar observations at two separate locations. These measurements were widely known among scholars, but Ptolemy's assumption of only 500 stadia per degree of longitude on the equator (rather than the 700 of Eratosthenes) led Columbus to underestimate the size of the Earth by about a third.[52]

Second, three cosmographical parameters determined the bounds of Columbus's enterprise: the distance across the ocean between Europe and Asia, which depended on the extent of the oikumene, i.e., the Eurasian land-mass stretching east–west between Spain and China; the circumference of the Earth and the number of miles or leagues in a degree of longitude; and that which could be inferred from the theory of the relationship between the size of the surfaces of water and land, as envisioned by the followers of Aristotle in medieval times.[53]

From Pierre d'Ailly's Imago Mundi (1410), Columbus learned of Alfraganus's estimate that a degree of latitude (equal to approximately a degree of longitude along the equator) spanned 562⁄3 Arabic miles (approximately equal to 60 nautical miles, 111.1 kilometers), but he did not realize that this was expressed in the Arabic mile rather than the shorter Roman mile or Italian mile (about 1,480 m[54]) which was in use in his time.[55] Columbus therefore estimated the size of the Earth to be about 75% of Eratosthenes's calculation.[56]

Third, most scholars of the time accepted Ptolemy's estimate that Eurasia spanned 180° longitude,[57] rather than the actual 130° (to the Chinese mainland) or 150° (to Japan at the latitude of Spain). Columbus believed an even higher estimate, leaving a smaller percentage for water.[58] In d'Ailly's Imago Mundi, Columbus read Marinus of Tyre's estimate that the longitudinal span of Eurasia was 225° at the latitude of Rhodes,[59] (i.e. the 36th parallel north). Some historians, such as Samuel Eliot Morison, have suggested that he followed the statement in the apocryphal book 2 Esdras (6:42) that "six parts [of the globe] are habitable and the seventh is covered with water."[60] He was also aware of Marco Polo's claim that Japan (which he called "Cipangu") was some 2,414 km (1,500 mi) to the east of China ("Cathay"),[61] and closer to the equator than it is. He was influenced by Toscanelli's idea that there were inhabited islands even farther to the east than Japan, including the mythical Antillia, which he thought might lie not much farther to the west than the Azores,[62] and the distance westward from the Canary Islands to the Indies as only 68 degrees, equivalent to 3,080 nmi (5,700 km; 3,540 mi) (a 58% error).[56]

Based on his sources, Columbus estimated a distance of 2,400 nmi (4,400 km; 2,800 mi) from the Canary Islands west to Japan; the actual distance is 10,600 nmi (19,600 km; 12,200 mi).[63][64] No ship in the 15th century could have carried enough food and fresh water for such a long voyage,[65] and the dangers involved in navigating through the uncharted ocean would have been formidable. Most European navigators reasonably concluded that a westward voyage from Europe to Asia was unfeasible. The Catholic Monarchs, however, having completed the Reconquista, an expensive war against the Moors in the Iberian Peninsula, were eager to obtain a competitive edge over other European countries in the quest for trade with the Indies. Columbus's project, though far-fetched, held the promise of such an advantage.[66]

Nautical considerations

Though Columbus was wrong about the number of degrees of longitude that separated Europe from the Far East and about the distance that each degree represented, he did take advantage of the trade winds, which would prove to be the key to his successful navigation of the Atlantic Ocean. He planned to first sail to the Canary Islands before continuing west with the northeast trade wind.[67] Part of the return to Spain would require traveling against the wind using an arduous sailing technique called beating, during which progress is made very slowly.[68] To effectively make the return voyage, Columbus would need to follow the curving trade winds northeastward to the middle latitudes of the North Atlantic, where he would be able to catch the westerlies that blow eastward to the coast of Western Europe.[69]

The navigational technique for travel in the Atlantic appears to have been exploited first by the Portuguese, who referred to it as the volta do mar ('turn of the sea'). Through his marriage to Felipa Perestrello, Columbus had access to the nautical charts and logs that had belonged to her deceased father, Bartolomeu Perestrello, who had served as a captain in the Portuguese navy under Prince Henry the Navigator. In the mapmaking shop where he worked with his brother Bartholomew, Columbus also had ample opportunity to hear the stories of old seamen about their voyages to the western seas,[70] but his knowledge of the Atlantic wind patterns was still imperfect at the time of his first voyage. By sailing due west from the Canary Islands during hurricane season, skirting the so-called horse latitudes of the mid-Atlantic, he risked being becalmed and running into a tropical cyclone, both of which he avoided by chance.[71]

Quest for financial support for a voyage

By about 1484, Columbus proposed his planned voyage to King John II of Portugal.[72] The king submitted Columbus's proposal to his advisors, who rejected it, correctly, on the grounds that Columbus's estimate for a voyage of 2,400 nmi was only a quarter of what it should have been.[73] In 1488, Columbus again appealed to the court of Portugal, and John II again granted him an audience. That meeting also proved unsuccessful, in part because not long afterwards Bartolomeu Dias returned to Portugal with news of his successful rounding of the southern tip of Africa (near the Cape of Good Hope).[74][75]

Columbus sought an audience with the monarchs Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile, who had united several kingdoms in the Iberian Peninsula by marrying and now ruled together. On 1 May 1486, permission having been granted, Columbus presented his plans to Queen Isabella, who in turn referred it to a committee. The learned men of Spain, like their counterparts in Portugal, replied that Columbus had grossly underestimated the distance to Asia. They pronounced the idea impractical and advised the Catholic Monarchs to pass on the proposed venture. To keep Columbus from taking his ideas elsewhere, and perhaps to keep their options open, the sovereigns gave him an allowance, totaling about 14,000 maravedis for the year, or about the annual salary of a sailor.[76] In May 1489, the queen sent him another 10,000 maravedis, and the same year the monarchs furnished him with a letter ordering all cities and towns under their dominion to provide him food and lodging at no cost.[77]

Columbus also dispatched his brother Bartholomew to the court of Henry VII of England to inquire whether the English Crown might sponsor his expedition, but he was captured by pirates en route, and only arrived in early 1491.[78] By that time, Columbus had retreated to La Rábida Friary, where the Spanish Crown sent him 20,000 maravedis to buy new clothes and instructions to return to the Spanish court for renewed discussions.[79]

Agreement with the Spanish Crown

Columbus waited at King Ferdinand's camp until Ferdinand and Isabella conquered Granada, the last Muslim stronghold on the Iberian Peninsula, in January 1492. A council led by Isabella's confessor, Hernando de Talavera, found Columbus's proposal to reach the Indies implausible. Columbus had left for France when Ferdinand intervened,[80] first sending Talavera and Bishop Diego Deza to appeal to the queen.[81] Isabella was finally convinced by the king's clerk Luis de Santángel, who argued that Columbus would take his ideas elsewhere, and offered to help arrange the funding. Isabella then sent a royal guard to fetch Columbus, who had traveled two leagues (over 10 km) toward Córdoba.[82]

In the April 1492 "Capitulations of Santa Fe", King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella promised Columbus that if he succeeded he would be given the rank of Admiral of the Ocean Sea (Spanish: Almirante del Mar Océano) and appointed Viceroy and Governor of all the new lands he might claim for Spain.[83] He had the right to nominate three persons, from whom the sovereigns would choose one, for any office in the new lands. He would be entitled to one-tenth (diezmo) of all the revenues from the new lands in perpetuity. He also would have the option of buying one-eighth interest in any commercial venture in the new lands, and receive one-eighth (ochavo) of the profits.[84]

In 1500, during his third voyage to the Americas, Columbus was arrested and dismissed from his posts. He and his sons, Diego and Fernando, then conducted a lengthy series of court cases against the Castilian Crown, known as the pleitos colombinos, alleging that the Crown had illegally reneged on its contractual obligations to Columbus and his heirs.[85] The Columbus family had some success in their first litigation, as a judgment of 1511 confirmed Diego's position as viceroy but reduced his powers. Diego resumed litigation in 1512, which lasted until 1536, and further disputes initiated by heirs continued until 1790.[86]

Voyages

Between 1492 and 1504, Columbus completed four round-trip voyages between Spain and the Americas, each voyage being sponsored by the Crown of Castile. On his first voyage he reached the Americas, initiating the European exploration and colonization of the continent, as well as the Columbian exchange. His role in history is thus important to the Age of Discovery, Western history, and human history writ large.[87]

In Columbus's letter on the first voyage, published following his first return to Spain, he claimed that he had reached Asia,[88] as previously described by Marco Polo and other Europeans. Over his subsequent voyages, Columbus refused to acknowledge that the lands he visited and claimed for Spain were not part of Asia, in the face of mounting evidence to the contrary.[89] This might explain, in part, why the American continent was named after the Florentine explorer Amerigo Vespucci—who received credit for recognizing it as a "New World"—and not after Columbus.[90][91]

First voyage (1492–1493)

On the evening of 3 August 1492, Columbus departed from Palos de la Frontera with three ships. The largest was a carrack, the Santa María, owned and captained by Juan de la Cosa, and under Columbus's direct command.[92] The other two were smaller caravels, the Pinta and the Niña,[93] piloted by the Pinzón brothers.[92] Columbus first sailed to the Canary Islands. There he restocked provisions and made repairs then departed from San Sebastián de La Gomera on 6 September,[94] for what turned out to be a five-week voyage across the ocean.

On 7 October, the crew spotted "[i]mmense flocks of birds".[95] On 11 October, Columbus changed the fleet's course to due west, and sailed through the night, believing land was soon to be found. At around 02:00 the following morning, a lookout on the Pinta, Rodrigo de Triana, spotted land. The captain of the Pinta, Martín Alonso Pinzón, verified the sight of land and alerted Columbus.[96][97] Columbus later maintained that he had already seen a light on the land a few hours earlier, thereby claiming for himself the lifetime pension promised by Ferdinand and Isabella to the first person to sight land.[42][98] Columbus called this island (in what is now the Bahamas) San Salvador ('Holy Savior'); the Natives called it Guanahani.[99][100] Christopher Columbus's journal entry of 12 October 1492 states:

I saw some who had marks of wounds on their bodies and I made signs to them asking what they were; and they showed me how people from other islands nearby came there and tried to take them, and how they defended themselves; and I believed and believe that they come here from tierra firme to take them captive. They should be good and intelligent servants, for I see that they say very quickly everything that is said to them; and I believe they would become Christians very easily, for it seemed to me that they had no religion. Our Lord pleasing, at the time of my departure I will take six of them from here to Your Highnesses in order that they may learn to speak.[101]

Columbus called the inhabitants of the lands that he visited Los Indios ('Indians').[102] He initially encountered the Lucayan, Taíno, and Arawak peoples.[103] Noting their gold ear ornaments, Columbus took some of the Arawaks prisoner and insisted that they guide him to the source of the gold.[104] Columbus did not believe he needed to create a fortified outpost, writing, "the people here are simple in war-like matters... I could conquer the whole of them with fifty men, and govern them as I pleased."[105] The Taínos told Columbus that another Indigenous tribe, the Caribs, were fierce warriors and cannibals, who made frequent raids on the Taínos, often capturing their women, although this may have been a belief perpetuated by the Spaniards to justify enslaving them.[106][107]

Columbus also explored the northeast coast of Cuba, where he landed on 28 October. On the night of 26 November, Martín Alonso Pinzón took the Pinta on an unauthorized expedition in search of an island called "Babeque" or "Baneque",[108] which the Natives had told him was rich in gold.[109] Columbus, for his part, continued to the northern coast of Hispaniola, where he landed on 6 December.[110] There, the Santa María ran aground on 25 December 1492 and had to be abandoned. The wreck was used as a target for cannon fire to impress the Native peoples.[111] Columbus was received by the Native cacique Guacanagari, who gave him permission to leave some of his men behind. Columbus left 39 men, including the interpreter Luis de Torres,[112][113] and founded the settlement of La Navidad, in present-day Haiti.[114][115] Columbus took more Natives prisoner and continued his exploration.[104] He kept sailing along the northern coast of Hispaniola with a single ship until he encountered Pinzón and the Pinta on 6 January.[116]

On 13 January 1493, Columbus made his last stop of this voyage in the Americas, in the Bay of Rincón in northeast Hispaniola.[117] There he encountered the Ciguayos, the only Natives who offered violent resistance during this voyage.[118] The Ciguayos refused to trade the amount of bows and arrows that Columbus desired; in the ensuing clash one Ciguayo was stabbed in the buttocks and another wounded with an arrow in his chest.[119] Because of these events, Columbus called the inlet the Golfo de Las Flechas ('Bay of Arrows').[120]

Columbus headed for Spain on the Niña, but a storm separated him from the Pinta, and forced the Niña to stop at the island of Santa Maria in the Azores. Half of his crew went ashore to say prayers of thanksgiving in a chapel for having survived the storm. But while praying, they were imprisoned by the governor of the island, ostensibly on suspicion of being pirates. After a two-day stand-off, the prisoners were released, and Columbus again set sail for Spain.[121]

Another storm forced Columbus into the port at Lisbon.[42] From there he went to Vale do Paraíso north of Lisbon to meet King John II of Portugal, who told Columbus that he believed the voyage to be in violation of the 1479 Treaty of Alcáçovas. After spending more than a week in Portugal, Columbus set sail for Spain. Returning to Palos on 15 March 1493, he was given a hero's welcome and soon afterward received by Isabella and Ferdinand in Barcelona.[122] To them he presented kidnapped Taínos and various plants and items he had collected.[123]: 54

One of the ten Natives taken on the return trip was a Lucayan from Guanahani thought to be 13–15 years of age, who Columbus adopted as his son upon their arrival in Spain; the boy, whose Lucayan name is unknown, received the name Diego at baptism. Initially, Diego had been recognized for his intelligence and rapid acquisition of Spanish customs, and would serve as a guide and interpreter on each of Columbus's subsequent voyages. By the second voyage's departure later in 1493, Diego was the only Native out of the ten taken to Europe who had not died or become seriously ill as the result of disease; while on this voyage, he played a vital role in the discovery of La Navidad. He subsequently married and had a son, also named Diego, who died of illness in 1506. Following Columbus's death, Diego spent the rest of his life confined to Santo Domingo, and does not reappear in the historical record following a smallpox epidemic that swept Hispaniola in 1519.[124]

Columbus's letter on the first voyage, probably dispatched to the Spanish court upon arrival in Lisbon, was instrumental in spreading the news throughout Europe about his voyage. Almost immediately after his arrival in Spain, printed versions began to appear, and word of his voyage spread rapidly.[125] Most people initially believed that he had reached Asia.[88] The Bulls of Donation, three papal bulls of Pope Alexander VI delivered in 1493, purported to grant overseas territories to Portugal and the Catholic Monarchs of Spain. They were replaced by the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1494.[126]

The two earliest published copies of Columbus's letter on the first voyage aboard the Niña were donated in 2017 by the Jay I. Kislak Foundation to the University of Miami library in Coral Gables, Florida, where they are housed.[127]

Second voyage (1493–1496)

On 24 September 1493, Columbus sailed from Cádiz with 17 ships, and supplies to establish permanent colonies in the Americas. He sailed with nearly 1,500 men, including sailors, soldiers, priests, carpenters, stonemasons, metalworkers, and farmers. Among the expedition members were Alvarez Chanca, a physician who wrote a detailed account of the second voyage; Juan Ponce de León, the first governor of Puerto Rico and Florida; the father of Bartolomé de las Casas; Juan de la Cosa, a cartographer who is credited with making the first world map depicting the New World; and Columbus's youngest brother Diego.[128] The fleet stopped at the Canary Islands to take on more supplies, and set sail again on 7 October, deliberately taking a more southerly course than on the first voyage.[129]

On 3 November, they arrived in the Windward Islands; the first island they encountered was named Dominica by Columbus, but not finding a good harbor there, they anchored off a nearby smaller island, which he named Mariagalante, now a part of Guadeloupe and called Marie-Galante. Other islands named by Columbus on this voyage were Montserrat, Antigua, Saint Martin, and the Virgin Islands, as well as many others.[129]

On 17 November, Columbus first sighted the eastern coast of the island of Puerto Rico, known to its Native Taíno people as Boriquen. His fleet sailed along the island's southern coast for a whole day, before making landfall on its northwestern coast at the Bay of Añasco, early on 19 November. Upon landing, Columbus christened the island San Juan Bautista after John the Baptist, and remained anchored there for two days from 20 to 21 November, filling the water casks of the ships in his fleet.[130]

On 22 November, Columbus returned to Hispaniola to visit La Navidad in modern-day Haiti, where 39 Spaniards had been left during the first voyage. Columbus found the fort in ruins. He learned from Guacanagaríx, the local tribe leader, that his men had quarreled over gold and taken women from the tribe, and that after some left for the territory of Caonabo, Caonabo came and burned the fort and killed the rest of the men there.[131]

Columbus then established a poorly located and short-lived settlement to the east, La Isabela,[128] in the present-day Dominican Republic.[132] By the end of 1494, disease and famine had killed two-thirds of the Spanish settlers there.[133]

From April to August 1494, Columbus explored Cuba and Jamaica, then returned to Hispaniola.[134] Before leaving on this exploration to Cuba, Columbus had ordered a large number of men, under Pedro Margarit, to "journey the length and breadth of the island, enforcing Spanish control and bringing all the people under the Spanish yoke."[135] These men, in his absence, raped women, took men captive to be servants, and stole from the Indigenous people. A number of Spanish were killed in retaliation. By the time Columbus returned from exploring Cuba, the four primary leaders of the Arawak people in Hispaniola were gathering for war to try to drive the Spanish from the Island. Columbus assembled a large number of troops, and joined with his one Native ally, chief Guacanagaríx, met for battle. The Spanish, even though they were largely outnumbered, won this battle, and over the next 9 months Columbus continued to wage war on the Native Taíno on Hispaniola until they surrendered and agreed to pay tribute.[136]

Columbus implemented encomienda,[137][138] a Spanish labor system that rewarded conquerors with the labor of conquered non-Christian people. It is also recorded that punishments to both Spaniards and Natives included whippings and mutilation (cutting noses and ears).[139][140]

Columbus and the colonists enslaved many of the Indigenous people,[141] including children.[142] Natives were beaten, raped, and tortured for the location of imagined gold.[143] Thousands committed suicide rather than face the oppression.[144][145]

In February 1495, Columbus rounded up about 1,500 Arawaks, some of whom had rebelled, in a great slave raid. About 500 of the strongest were shipped to Spain as slaves,[146] with about two hundred of those dying en route.[104][147]

In June 1495, the Spanish Crown sent ships and supplies to Hispaniola. In October, Florentine merchant Gianotto Berardi, who had won the contract to provision the fleet of Columbus's second voyage and to supply the colony on Hispaniola, received almost 40,000 maravedís worth of enslaved Indians. He renewed his effort to get supplies to Columbus, and was working to organize a fleet when he suddenly died in December.[148] On 10 March 1496, having been away about 30 months,[149] the fleet departed La Isabela. On 8 June the crew sighted land somewhere between Lisbon and Cape St. Vincent, and disembarked in Cádiz on 11 June.[150]

Third voyage (1498–1500)

On 30 May 1498, Columbus left with six ships from Sanlúcar, Spain. The fleet called at Madeira and the Canary Islands, where it divided in two, with three ships heading for Hispaniola and the other three vessels, commanded by Columbus, sailing south to the Cape Verde Islands and then westward across the Atlantic. It is probable that this expedition was intended at least partly to confirm rumors of a large continent south of the Caribbean Sea, that is, South America.[151]

On 31 July they sighted Trinidad,[152] the most southerly of the Caribbean islands. On 5 August, Columbus sent several small boats ashore on the southern side of the Paria Peninsula in what is now Venezuela,[153][154] near the mouth of the Orinoco river.[151] This was the first recorded landing of Europeans on the mainland of South America,[153] which Columbus realized must be a continent.[155][156] The fleet then sailed to the islands of Chacachacare and Margarita, reaching the latter on 14 August,[157] and sighted Tobago and Grenada from afar, according to some scholars.[158][153]

On 19 August, Columbus returned to Hispaniola. There he found settlers in rebellion against his rule, and his unfulfilled promises of riches. Columbus had some of the Europeans tried for their disobedience; at least one rebel leader was hanged.[159]

In October 1499, Columbus sent two ships to Spain, asking the Court of Spain to appoint a royal commissioner to help him govern.[160] By this time, accusations of tyranny and incompetence on the part of Columbus had also reached the Court. The sovereigns sent Francisco de Bobadilla, a relative of Marquesa Beatriz de Bobadilla, a patron of Columbus and a close friend of Queen Isabella,[161][162] to investigate the accusations of brutality made against the Admiral. Arriving in Santo Domingo while Columbus was away, Bobadilla was immediately met with complaints about all three Columbus brothers.[163] He moved into Columbus's house and seized his property, took depositions from the Admiral's enemies, and declared himself governor.[153]

Bobadilla reported to Spain that Columbus once punished a man found guilty of stealing corn by having his ears and nose cut off and then selling him into slavery. He claimed that Columbus regularly used torture and mutilation to govern Hispaniola.[164] Testimony recorded in the report stated that Columbus congratulated his brother Bartholomew on "defending the family" when the latter ordered for a woman to be paraded naked through the streets and then had her tongue cut because she had "spoken ill of the admiral and his brothers".[165] The document also describes how Columbus put down native unrest and revolt: he first ordered a brutal suppression of the uprising in which many natives were killed, and then paraded their dismembered bodies through the streets in an attempt to discourage further rebellion.[166] Columbus vehemently denied the charges.[167][168] The neutrality and accuracy of the accusations and investigations of Bobadilla toward Columbus and his brothers have been disputed by historians, given the anti-Italian sentiment of the Spaniards and Bobadilla's desire to take over Columbus's position.[169]

In early October 1500, Columbus and Diego presented themselves to Bobadilla, and were put in chains aboard La Gorda, the caravel on which Bobadilla had arrived at Santo Domingo.[170][171] They were returned to Spain, and languished in jail for six weeks before King Ferdinand ordered their release. Not long after, the king and queen summoned the Columbus brothers to the Alhambra palace in Granada. The sovereigns expressed indignation at the actions of Bobadilla, who was then recalled and ordered to make restitutions of the property he had confiscated from Columbus.[167] The royal couple heard the brothers' pleas; restored their freedom and wealth; and, after much persuasion, agreed to fund Columbus's fourth voyage.[172] However, Nicolás de Ovando was to replace Bobadilla and be the new governor of the West Indies.[173]

New light was shed on the seizure of Columbus and his brother Bartholomew, the Adelantado, with the discovery by archivist Isabel Aguirre of an incomplete copy of the testimonies against them gathered by Francisco de Bobadilla at Santo Domingo in 1500. She found a manuscript copy of this pesquisa (inquiry) in the Archive of Simancas, Spain, uncatalogued until she and Consuelo Varela published their book, La caída de Cristóbal Colón: el juicio de Bobadilla (The fall of Christopher Colón: the judgement of Bobadilla) in 2006.[174][175]

Fourth voyage (1502–1504)

On 9 May 1502,[176] Columbus left Cádiz with his flagship Santa María and three other vessels. The ships were crewed by 140 men, including his brother Bartholomew as second in command and his son Fernando.[177] He sailed to Asilah on the Moroccan coast to rescue Portuguese soldiers said to be besieged by the Moors. The siege had been lifted by the time they arrived, so the Spaniards stayed only a day and continued on to the Canary Islands.[178]

On 15 June, the fleet arrived at Martinique, where it lingered for several days. A hurricane was forming, so Columbus continued westward,[177] hoping to find shelter on Hispaniola. He arrived at Santo Domingo on 29 June, but was denied port, and the new governor Francisco de Bobadilla refused to listen to his warning that a hurricane was approaching. Instead, while Columbus's ships sheltered at the mouth of the Rio Jaina, the first Spanish treasure fleet sailed into the hurricane. Columbus's ships survived with only minor damage, while 20 of the 30 ships in the governor's fleet were lost along with 500 lives (including that of Francisco de Bobadilla). Although a few surviving ships managed to straggle back to Santo Domingo, Aguja, the fragile ship carrying Columbus's personal belongings and his 4,000 pesos in gold was the sole vessel to reach Spain.[179][180] The gold was his tenth (décimo) of the profits from Hispaniola, equal to 240,000 maravedis,[181] guaranteed by the Catholic Monarchs in 1492.[182]

After a brief stop at Jamaica, Columbus sailed to Central America, arriving at the coast of Honduras on 30 July. Here Bartholomew found native merchants and a large canoe. On 14 August, Columbus landed on the continental mainland at Punta Caxinas, now Puerto Castilla, Honduras.[183] He spent two months exploring the coasts of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, seeking a strait in the western Caribbean through which he could sail to the Indian Ocean. Sailing south along the Nicaraguan coast, he found a channel that led into Almirante Bay in Panama on 5 October.[184][185]

As soon as his ships anchored in Almirante Bay, Columbus encountered Ngäbe people in canoes who were wearing gold ornaments.[186] In January 1503, he established a garrison at the mouth of the Belén River. Columbus left for Hispaniola on 16 April. On 10 May he sighted the Cayman Islands, naming them Las Tortugas after the numerous sea turtles there.[187] His ships sustained damage in a storm off the coast of Cuba. Unable to travel farther, on 25 June 1503 they were beached in Saint Ann Parish, Jamaica.[188]

For six months Columbus and 230 of his men remained stranded on Jamaica. Diego Méndez de Segura, who had shipped out as a personal secretary to Columbus, and a Spanish shipmate called Bartolomé Flisco, along with six natives, paddled a canoe to get help from Hispaniola.[189] The governor, Nicolás de Ovando y Cáceres, detested Columbus and obstructed all efforts to rescue him and his men.[190] In the meantime Columbus, in a desperate effort to induce the natives to continue provisioning him and his hungry men, won their favor by predicting a lunar eclipse for 29 February 1504, using Abraham Zacuto's astronomical charts.[191] Despite the governor's obstruction, Christopher Columbus and his men were rescued on 28 June 1504, and arrived in Sanlúcar, Spain, on 7 November.[190]

Later life, illness, and death

Columbus had always claimed that the conversion of non-believers was one reason for his explorations, and he grew increasingly religious in his later years.[192] Probably with the assistance of his son Diego and his friend the Carthusian monk Gaspar Gorricio, Columbus produced two books during his later years: a Book of Privileges (1502), detailing and documenting the rewards from the Spanish Crown to which he believed he and his heirs were entitled, and a Book of Prophecies (1505), in which passages from the Bible were used to place his achievements as an explorer in the context of Christian eschatology.[193]

In his later years, Columbus demanded that the Crown of Castile give him his tenth of all the riches and trade goods yielded by the new lands, as stipulated in the Capitulations of Santa Fe.[194] Because he had been relieved of his duties as governor, the Crown did not feel bound by that contract and his demands were rejected. After his death, his heirs sued the Crown for a part of the profits from trade with America, as well as other rewards. This led to a protracted series of legal disputes known as the pleitos colombinos ('Columbian lawsuits').[86]

During a violent storm on his first return voyage, Columbus, then 41, had suffered an attack of what was believed at the time to be gout. In subsequent years, he was plagued with what was thought to be influenza and other fevers, bleeding from the eyes, temporary blindness and prolonged attacks of gout. The attacks increased in duration and severity, sometimes leaving Columbus bedridden for months at a time, and culminated in his death 14 years later.

Based on Columbus's lifestyle and the described symptoms, some modern commentators suspect that he suffered from reactive arthritis, rather than gout.[195][196] Reactive arthritis is a joint inflammation caused by intestinal bacterial infections or after acquiring certain sexually transmitted diseases (primarily chlamydia or gonorrhea). In 2006, Frank C. Arnett, a rheumatologist, and historian Charles Merrill published their paper in The American Journal of the Medical Sciences proposing that Columbus had a form of reactive arthritis; Merrill hypothesized "It seems likely that [Columbus] acquired reactive arthritis from food poisoning on one of his ocean voyages because of poor sanitation and improper food preparation"[197][195]

After his arrival to Sanlúcar during his fourth voyage (and Queen Isabella's death), an ill Columbus settled in Seville in April 1505. There, he continued to make pleas to the Crown to defend his own personal privileges and his family's.[198] He moved to Segovia, where the court was located at the time, travelling by mule in early 1506.[199] In March 1506, after the wedding of King Ferdinand and Germaine of Foix in Valladolid, Spain; Columbus followed in order to continue his pleas.[200] On 20 May 1506, aged 54, Columbus died in Valladolid.[201]

Location of remains

Columbus's remains were first buried at the Chapel of Wonders at the Convent of St. Francis, Valladolid,[202] but were then moved to the monastery of La Cartuja in Seville (southern Spain) by the will of his son Diego.[203] They may have been exhumed in 1513 and interred at the Seville Cathedral. In about 1536, the remains of both Columbus and his son Diego were moved to a cathedral in Colonial Santo Domingo, in the present-day Dominican Republic; Columbus had requested to be buried on the island.[204] By some accounts, in 1793, when France took over the entire island of Hispaniola, Columbus's remains were moved to Havana, Cuba.[205][206] After Cuba became independent following the Spanish–American War in 1898, at least some of these remains were moved back to the Seville Cathedral,[202][207] where they were placed on an elaborate catafalque.

In June 2003, DNA samples were taken from the remains in Seville, as well as those of Columbus's brother Diego and younger son Fernando.[204] Initial observations suggested that the bones did not appear to match Columbus's physique or age at death.[208] DNA extraction proved difficult; only short fragments of mitochondrial DNA could be isolated. These matched corresponding DNA from Columbus's brother, supporting that the two men had the same mother.[207] Such evidence, together with anthropologic and historic analyses, led the researchers to conclude that the remains belonged to Christopher Columbus.[209][210]

In 1877, a priest discovered a lead box at Santo Domingo inscribed: "Discoverer of America, First Admiral". Inscriptions found the next year read "Last of the remains of the first admiral, Sire Christopher Columbus, discoverer."[211] The box contained bones of an arm and a leg, as well as a bullet.[212] These remains were considered legitimate by physician and U.S. Assistant Secretary of State John Eugene Osborne, who suggested in 1913 that they travel through the Panama Canal as a part of its opening ceremony.[213][214] These remains were kept at the Basilica Cathedral of Santa María la Menor (in the Colonial City of Santo Domingo) before being moved to the Columbus Lighthouse (Santo Domingo Este, inaugurated in 1992). The authorities in Santo Domingo have never allowed these remains to be DNA-tested, so it is unconfirmed whether they are from Columbus's body as well.[215]

Commemoration

The figure of Columbus was not ignored in the British colonies during the colonial era: Columbus became a unifying symbol early in the history of the colonies that became the United States when Puritan preachers began to use his life story as a model for a "developing American spirit".[216] In the spring of 1692, Puritan preacher Cotton Mather described Columbus's voyage as one of three shaping events of the modern age, connecting Columbus's voyage and the Puritans' migration to North America, seeing them together as the key to a grand design.[217]

The use of Columbus as a founding figure of New World nations spread rapidly after the American Revolution. This was out of a desire to develop a national history and founding myth with fewer ties to Britain.[218] His name was the basis for the female national personification of the United States, Columbia,[219] in use since the 1730s with reference to the original Thirteen Colonies, and also a historical name applied to the Americas and to the New World. Columbia, South Carolina, and Columbia Rediviva, the ship for which the Columbia River was named, are named for Columbus.[220]

Columbus's name was given to the newly born Republic of Colombia in the early 19th century, inspired by the political project of "Colombeia" developed by revolutionary Francisco de Miranda, which was put at the service of the emancipation of continental Hispanic America.[221]

To commemorate the 400th anniversary of the landing of Columbus,[222] the 1893 World's Fair in Chicago was named the World's Columbian Exposition.[223] The U.S. Postal Service issued the first U.S. commemorative stamps, the Columbian Issue,[224] depicting Columbus, Queen Isabella and others in various stages of his several voyages.[225] A commemorative silver half dollar was also struck, which remains the only U.S. currency issued having a foreigner as its subject. The policies related to the celebration of the Spanish colonial empire as the vehicle of a nationalist project undertaken in Spain during the Restoration in the late 19th century took form with the commemoration of the 4th centenary on 12 October 1892 (in which the figure of Columbus was extolled by the Conservative government), eventually becoming the very same national day.[226] Several monuments commemorating the "discovery" were erected in cities such as Palos, Barcelona, Granada, Madrid, Salamanca, Valladolid and Seville in the years around the 400th anniversary.[227][228]

For the Columbus Quincentenary in 1992, a second Columbian issue was released jointly with Italy, Portugal, and Spain.[229] Columbus was celebrated at Seville Expo '92, and Genoa Expo '92.

The Boal Mansion Museum, founded in 1951, contains a collection of materials concerning later descendants of Columbus and collateral branches of the family. It features a 16th-century chapel from a Spanish castle reputedly owned by Diego Colón which became the residence of Columbus's descendants. The chapel interior was dismantled and moved from Spain in 1909 and re-erected on the Boal estate at Boalsburg, Pennsylvania. Inside it are numerous religious paintings and other objects including a reliquary with fragments of wood supposedly from the True Cross. The museum also holds a collection of documents mostly relating to Columbus descendants of the late 18th and early 19th centuries.[230]

In many countries of the Americas, as well as Spain and Italy, Columbus Day celebrates the anniversary of Columbus's arrival in the Americas on 12 October 1492.[231]

Legacy

The voyages of Columbus are considered a turning point in human history,[232] marking the beginning of globalization and accompanying demographic, commercial, economic, social, and political changes.[233]

His explorations resulted in permanent contact between the two hemispheres, and the term "pre-Columbian" is used to refer to the cultures of the Americas before the arrival of Columbus and his European successors.[234] The ensuing Columbian exchange saw the massive exchange of animals, plants, fungi, diseases, technologies, mineral wealth and ideas.[235]

In the first century after his endeavors, Columbus's figure largely languished in the backwaters of history, and his reputation was beset by his failures as a colonial administrator. His legacy was somewhat rescued from oblivion when he began to appear as a character in Italian and Spanish plays and poems from the late 16th century onward.[236]

Columbus was subsumed into the Western narrative of colonization and empire building, which invoked notions of translatio imperii and translatio studii to underline who was considered "civilized" and who was not.[237]

The Americanization of the figure of Columbus began in the latter decades of the 18th century, after the revolutionary period of the United States,[238] elevating the status of his reputation to a national myth, homo americanus.[239] His landing became a powerful icon as an "image of American genesis".[238] The Discovery of America sculpture, depicting Columbus and a cowering Native maiden, was commissioned on 3 April 1837, when U.S. President Martin Van Buren sanctioned the engineering of Luigi Persico's design. This representation of Columbus's triumph and the Native's recoil is a demonstration of supposed white superiority over savage, naive Natives.[240] As recorded during its unveiling in 1844, the sculpture extends to "represent the meeting of the two races", as Persico captures their first interaction, highlighting the "moral and intellectual inferiority" of Natives.[241] Placed outside the U.S. Capitol building where it remained until its removal in the mid-20th century, the sculpture reflected the contemporary view of whites in the U.S. toward the Natives; they are labeled "merciless Indian savages" in the United States Declaration of Independence.[242] In 1836, Pennsylvania senator and future U.S. President James Buchanan, who proposed the sculpture, described it as representing "the great discoverer when he first bounded with ecstasy upon the shore, all his toils past, presenting a hemisphere to the astonished world, with the name America inscribed upon it. Whilst he is thus standing upon the shore, a female savage, with awe and wonder depicted in her countenance, is gazing upon him."[243]

The American Columbus myth was reconfigured later in the century when he was enlisted as an ethnic hero by immigrants to the United States who were not of Anglo-Saxon stock, such as Jewish, Italian, and Irish people, who claimed Columbus as a sort of ethnic founding father.[244][245] Catholics unsuccessfully tried to promote him for canonization in the 19th century.[246][247]

From the 1990s onward, a narrative of Columbus being responsible for the genocide of Indigenous peoples and environmental destruction began to compete with the then predominant discourse of Columbus as Christ-bearer, scientist, or father of America.[248] This narrative features the negative effects of Columbus's conquests on native populations.[143] Exposed to Old World diseases, the Indigenous populations of the New World collapsed,[249] and were largely replaced by Europeans and Africans,[250] who brought with them new methods of farming, business, governance, and religious worship.

Originality of discovery of America

Though Christopher Columbus came to be considered the European discoverer of America in Western popular culture, his historical legacy is more nuanced.[251] After settling Iceland, the Norse settled the uninhabited southern part of Greenland beginning in the 10th century.[252] Norsemen are believed to have then set sail from Greenland and Iceland to become the first known Europeans to reach the North American mainland, nearly 500 years before Columbus reached the Caribbean.[253] The 1960s discovery of a Norse settlement dating c. 1000 at L'Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland, partially corroborates accounts within the Icelandic sagas of Erik the Red's colonization of Greenland and his son Leif Erikson's subsequent exploration of a place he called Vinland.[254]

In the 19th century, amid a revival of interest in Norse culture, Carl Christian Rafn and Benjamin Franklin DeCosta wrote works establishing that the Norse had preceded Columbus in colonizing the Americas.[255][256] Following this, in 1874 Rasmus Bjørn Anderson argued that Columbus must have known of the North American continent before he started his voyage of discovery.[257][253] Most modern scholars doubt Columbus had knowledge of the Norse settlements in America, with his arrival to the continent being most likely an independent discovery.[258]

Europeans devised explanations for the origins of the Native Americans and their geographical distribution with narratives that often served to reinforce their own preconceptions built on ancient intellectual foundations.[259] In modern Latin America, the non-Native populations of some countries often demonstrate an ambiguous attitude toward the perspectives of Indigenous peoples regarding the so-called "discovery" by Columbus and the era of colonialism that followed.[260] In his 1960 monograph, Mexican philosopher and historian Edmundo O'Gorman explicitly rejects the Columbus discovery myth, arguing that the idea that Columbus discovered America was a misleading legend fixed in the public mind through the works of American author Washington Irving during the 19th century. O'Gorman argues that to assert Columbus "discovered America" is to shape the facts concerning the events of 1492 to make them conform to an interpretation that arose many years later.[261] For him, the Eurocentric view of the discovery of America sustains systems of domination in ways that favor Europeans.[262]

In a 1992 article for The UNESCO Courier, Félix Fernández-Shaw argues that the word "discovery" prioritizes European explorers as the "heroes" of the contact between the Old and New World. He suggests that the word "encounter" is more appropriate, being a more universal term which includes Native Americans in the narrative.[263]

America as a distinct land

Historians have traditionally argued that Columbus remained convinced until his death that his journeys had been along the east coast of Asia as he originally intended[264][265] (excluding arguments such as Anderson's).[257] On his third voyage he briefly referred to South America as a "hitherto unknown" continent,[91] while also rationalizing that it was the Earthly Paradise (Eden) located "at the end of the Orient".[155] Columbus continued to claim in his later writings that he had reached Asia; in a 1502 letter to Pope Alexander VI, he asserts that Cuba is the east coast of Asia.[41] On the other hand, in a document in the Book of Privileges (1502), Columbus refers to the New World as the Indias Occidentales ('West Indies'), which he says "were unknown to all the world".[266]

Shape of the Earth

Washington Irving's 1828 biography of Columbus popularized the idea that Columbus had difficulty obtaining support for his plan because many Catholic theologians insisted that the Earth was flat,[267] but this is a popular misconception which can be traced back to 17th-century Protestants campaigning against Catholicism.[268] In fact, the spherical shape of the Earth had been known to scholars since antiquity, and was common knowledge among sailors, including Columbus.[269] Coincidentally, the oldest surviving globe of the Earth, the Erdapfel, was made in 1492, just before Columbus's return to Europe from his first voyage. As such it contains no sign of the Americas and yet demonstrates the common belief in a spherical Earth.[270]

In 1492, Columbus correctly measured Polaris's diurnal motion around true north as having a diameter of almost 7°.[271] In 1498, while sailing west through the doldrums 8° north in July and again in August sailing the trade winds 13° north, Columbus reported seeing Polaris with a diurnal motion of 10° in diameter. He accounted for the shift by concluding that Earth's figure is pear-shaped, with the 'stalk' portion (comparing this to a woman's breast) being nearest Heaven and upon which was centered the Earthly Paradise.[272] Although Columbus's later readings were incorrect, 20th-century satellite data happens to indicate that the Earth has a slight pear shape.[273]

Criticism and defense

Columbus has been criticized both for his brutality and for initiating the depopulation of the Indigenous peoples of the Caribbean, whether by imported diseases or intentional violence. According to scholars of Native American history, George Tinker and Mark Freedman, Columbus was responsible for creating a cycle of "murder, violence, and slavery" to maximize exploitation of the Caribbean islands' resources, and that Native deaths on the scale at which they occurred would not have been caused by new diseases alone. Further, they describe the proposition that disease and not genocide caused these deaths as "American holocaust denial".[274] Historian Kris Lane disputes whether it is appropriate to use the term "genocide" when the atrocities were not Columbus's intent, but resulted from his decrees, family business goals, and negligence.[275] Other scholars defend Columbus's actions or allege that the worst accusations against him are not based in fact while others claim that "he has been blamed for events far beyond his own reach or knowledge".[276]

As a result of the protests and riots that followed the murder of George Floyd in 2020, many public monuments of Christopher Columbus have been removed.[277]

Brutality

Some historians have criticized Columbus for initiating the widespread colonization of the Americas and for abusing its Native population.[278] On St. Croix, Columbus's friend Michele da Cuneo—according to his own account—kept an Indigenous woman he captured, whom Columbus "gave to [him]", then brutally raped her.[279]

According to some historians, the punishment for an Indigenous person, aged 14 and older, failing to pay a hawk's bell, or cascabela,[280] worth of gold dust every six months (based on Bartolomé de las Casas's account) was cutting off the hands of those without tokens, often leaving them to bleed to death.[281] Other historians dispute such accounts. For example, a study of Spanish archival sources showed that the cascabela quotas were imposed by Guarionex, not Columbus, and that there is no mention, in the primary sources, of punishment by cutting off hands for failing to pay.[282] Columbus had an economic interest in the enslavement of the Hispaniola Natives and for that reason was not eager to baptize them, which attracted criticism from some churchmen.[283] Consuelo Varela, a Spanish historian, stated that "Columbus's government was characterized by a form of tyranny. Even those who loved him had to admit the atrocities that had taken place."[284] Other historians have argued that some of the accounts of the brutality of Columbus and his brothers have been exaggerated as part of the Black Legend, a historical tendency towards anti-Spanish and anti-Catholic sentiment in historical sources dating as far back as the 16th century, which they speculate may continue to taint scholarship into the present day.[285]

According to historian Emily Berquist Soule, the immense Portuguese profits from the maritime trade in African slaves along the West African coast served as an inspiration for Columbus to create a counterpart of this apparatus in the New World using Indigenous American slaves.[286] Historian William J. Connell has argued that while Columbus "brought the entrepreneurial form of slavery to the New World", this "was a phenomenon of the times", further arguing that "we have to be very careful about applying 20th-century understandings of morality to the morality of the 15th century."[287] In a less popular defense of colonization, Spanish ambassador María Jesús Figa has argued, "Normally we melded with the cultures in America, we stayed there, we spread our language and culture and religion."[288]

British historian Basil Davidson has dubbed Columbus the "father of the slave trade",[289][290] citing the fact that the first license to ship enslaved Africans to the Caribbean was issued by the Catholic Monarchs in 1501 to the first royal governor of Hispaniola, Nicolás de Ovando.[291]

Genocide and depopulation

Around the turn of the 21st century, estimates for the pre-Columbian population of Hispaniola ranged between 250,000 and two million,[292] but genetic analysis published in late 2020 suggests that smaller figures are more likely, perhaps as low as 10,000–50,000 for Hispaniola and Puerto Rico combined.[293][294] Based on the previous figures of a few hundred thousand, some have estimated that a third or more of the natives in Haiti were dead within the first two years of Columbus's governorship.[104][146] Contributors to depopulation included disease, warfare, and harsh enslavement.[295][296] Indirect evidence suggests that some serious illness may have arrived with the 1,500 colonists who accompanied Columbus's second expedition in 1493.[295] Charles C. Mann writes that "It was as if the suffering these diseases had caused in Eurasia over the past millennia were concentrated into the span of decades."[297]

A third of the natives forced to work in gold and silver mines died every six months.[298][299] Within three to six decades, the surviving Arawak population numbered only in the hundreds.[300] According to Koch et al, the Indigenous populations of the Americas overall had declined by about 90% in the century after Columbus's arrival.[301] Among Indigenous peoples, Columbus is often viewed as a key agent of genocide.[302] Samuel Eliot Morison, a Harvard University historian and author of a multivolume biography on Columbus, writes, "The cruel policy initiated by Columbus and pursued by his successors resulted in complete genocide."[303]

According to Noble David Cook, "There were too few Spaniards to have killed the millions who were reported to have died in the first century after Old and New World contact." He instead estimates that the death toll was caused by smallpox,[304] which may have caused a pandemic only after the arrival of Hernán Cortés in 1519.[305] According to some estimates, smallpox had an 80–90% fatality rate in Native American populations.[306] The natives had no acquired immunity to these new diseases and suffered high fatalities. There is also evidence that they had poor diets and were overworked.[307]

Historian Andrés Reséndez of University of California, Davis, says the available evidence suggests "slavery has emerged as major killer" of the Indigenous populations of the Caribbean between 1492 and 1550 more so than diseases such as smallpox, influenza and malaria.[308] He says that Indigenous populations did not experience a rebound like European populations did following the Black Death because unlike the latter, a large portion of the former were subjected to deadly forced labor in the mines.[299]

The diseases that devastated the Native Americans came in multiple waves at different times, sometimes as much as centuries apart, which would mean that survivors of one disease may have been killed by others, preventing the population from recovering.[309] Historian David Stannard describes the depopulation of the Indigenous Americans as "neither inadvertent nor inevitable", saying it was the result of both disease and intentional genocide.[310]

Biographers and historians have a wide range of opinions about Columbus's expertise and experience navigating and captaining ships. One scholar lists some European works ranging from the 1890s to 1980s that support Columbus's experience and skill as among the best in Genoa, while listing some American works over a similar timeframe that portray the explorer as an untrained entrepreneur, having only minor crew or passenger experience prior to his noted journeys.[311] According to Morison, Columbus's success in utilizing the trade winds might owe significantly to luck.[312]

Physical appearance

Contemporary descriptions of Columbus, including those by his son Fernando and Bartolomé de las Casas, describe him as taller than average, with light skin (often sunburnt), blue or hazel eyes, high cheekbones and freckled face, an aquiline nose, and blond to reddish hair and beard (until about the age of 30, when it began to whiten).[313][314] One Spanish commentator described his eyes using the word garzos, now usually translated as "light blue", but it seems to have indicated light grey-green or hazel eyes to Columbus's contemporaries. The word rubios can mean "blond", "fair", or "ruddy".[315] Although an abundance of artwork depicts Columbus, no authentic contemporary portrait is known.[316]

A well-known image of Columbus is a portrait by Sebastiano del Piombo, which has been reproduced in many textbooks. It agrees with descriptions of Columbus in that it shows a large man with auburn hair, but the painting dates from 1519 so cannot have been painted from life. Furthermore, the inscription identifying the subject as Columbus was probably added later, and the face shown differs from that of other images.[317]

Sometime between 1531 and 1536, Alejo Fernández painted an altarpiece, The Virgin of the Navigators, that includes a depiction of Columbus.[318] The painting was commissioned for a chapel in Seville's Casa de Contratación (House of Trade) in the Alcázar of Seville and remains there.[319]

At the World's Columbian Exposition in 1893, 71 alleged portraits of Columbus were displayed; most of them did not match contemporary descriptions.[320]

See also

From the 1913 Catholic Encyclopedia

Christopher Columbus — (Italian CRISTOFORO COLOMBO; Spanish CRISTOVAL COLON.)

Born at Genoa, or on Genoese territory, probably 1451; died at Valladolid, Spain, 20 May 1506.

His family was respectable, but of limited means, so that the early education of Columbus was defective. Up to his arrival in Spain (1485) only one date has been preserved. His son Fernando, quoting from his father's writings says that in February, 1467, he navigated the seas about "Tile" (probably Iceland). Columbus himself in a letter to King Ferdinand says that he began to navigate at the age of fourteen, though in the journal of his first voyage (no longer in existence), in 1493, he was said to have been on the sea twenty-three years, which would make him nineteen when he first became a mariner.

The early age at which he began his career as a sailor is not surprising for a native of Genoa, as the Genoese were most enterprising and daring seamen. Columbus is said in his early days to have been a corsair, especially in the war against the Moors, themselves merciless pirates. He is also supposed to have sailed as far south as the coast of Guinea before he was sixteen years of age. Certain it is that while quite young he became a thorough and practical navigator, and later acquired a fair knowledge of astronomy. He also gained a wide acquaintance with works on cosmography such as Ptolemy and the "Imago Mundi" of Cardinal d'Ailly, besides entering into communication with the cosmographers of his time. The fragment of a treatise written by him and called by his son Fernando "The Five Habitable Zones of the Earth" shows a degree of information unusual for a sailor of his day. As in the case of most of the documents relating to the life of Columbus the genuineness of the letters written in 1474 by Paolo Toscanelli, a renowned physicist of Florence, to Columbus and a member of the household of King Alfonso V of Portugal, has been attacked on the ground of the youth of Columbus, although they bears signs of authenticity. The experiences and researches referred to fit in satisfactorily with the subsequent achievements of Columbus. For the rest, the early part of Columbus's life is interwoven with incidents, most of which are unsupported by evidence, though quite possible. His marriage about 1475 to a Portuguese lady whose name is given sometimes as Doña Felipa Moniz and sometimes as Doña Felipa Perestrella seems certain.

Columbus seems to have arrived in Portugal about 1471, although 1474 is also mentioned and supported by certain indications. He vainly tried to obtain the support of the King of Portugal for his scheme to discover the Far East by sailing westward, a scheme supposed to have been suggested by his brother Bartholomew, who is said to have been earning a livelihood at Lisbon by designing marine charts. Columbus went to Spain in 1485, and probably the first assistance he obtained there was from the Duke of Medina Celi, Don Luis de la Cerda, for whom he performed some services that brought him a compensation of 3000 maravedis in May, 1487. He lived about two years at the home of the duke and made unsuccessful endeavors to interest him in his scheme of maritime exploration. His attempts to secure the help of the Duke of Medina Sidonia were equally unproductive of results. No blame attaches to the noblemen for declining to undertake an enterprise which only rulers of nations could properly carry out. Between 1485 and 1488 Columbus began his relations with Doña Beatriz Enriquez de Arana, or Harana, of a good family of the city of Cordova, from which sprang his much beloved son Fernando, next to Christopher and his brother Bartholomew the most gifted of the Colombos.

Late in 1485 or early in 1486, Columbus appeared twice before the court to submit his plans and while the Duke of Medina Celi may have assisted him to some extent, the chief support came from the royal treasurer, Alonzo de Quintanilla, Friar Antonio de Marchena (confounded by Irving with Father Perez of La Rábida), and Diego de Deza, Bishop of Placencia. Columbus himself declared that these two priests were always his faithful friends. Marchena also obtained for him the valuable sympathy of Cardinal Gonzalez de Mendoza. Through the influence of these men the Government appointed a junta or commission of ecclesiastics that met at Salamanca late in 1486 or early in 1487, in the Dominican convent of San Esteban to investigate the scheme, which they finally rejected. The commission had no connection with the celebrated University of Salamanca, but was under the guidance of the prior of Prado. It seems that Columbus gave but scant and unsatisfactory information to the commission, probably through fear that his ideas might be improperly made use of and he be robbed of the glory and advantages that he expected to derive from his project. This may account for the rejection of his proposals. The prior of Prado was a Hieronymite, while Columbus was under the especial protection of the Dominicans. Among his early friends in Spain was Luis de Santangel, whom Irving calls "receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues of Aragon", and who afterwards advanced to the queen the funds necessary for the first voyage. If Santangel was receiver of the church revenues and probably treasurer and administrator, it was the Church that furnished the means (17,000 ducats) for the admiral's first voyage.

It would be unjust to blame King Ferdinand for declining the proposals of Columbus after the adverse report of the Salamanca commission, which was based upon objections drawn from Seneca and Ptolemy rather than upon the opinion of St. Augustine in the "De Civitate Dei". The king was then preparing to deal the final blow to Moorish domination in Spain after the struggle of seven centuries, and his financial resources were taxed to the utmost. Moreover, he was not easily carried away by enthusiasm and, though we now recognize the practical value of the plans of Columbus, at the close of the fifteenth century it seemed dubious, to say the least, to a cool-headed ruler, wont to attend first to immediate necessities. The crushing of the Moorish power in the peninsula was then of greater moment than the search after distant lands for which, furthermore, there were not the means in the royal treasury. Under these conditions Columbus, always in financial straits himself and supported by the liberality of friends, bethought himself of the rulers of France and England. In 1488 his brother Bartholomew, as faithful as sagacious, tried to induce one or the other of them to accept the plans of Christopher, but failed. The idea was too novel to appeal to either. Henry VII of England was too cautious to entertain proposals from a comparatively unknown seafarer of a foreign nation, and Charles VIII of France was too much involved in Italian affairs. The prospect was disheartening. Nevertheless, Columbus, with the assistance of his friends, concluded to make another attempt in Spain. He proceeded to court again in 1491, taking with him his son Diego. The court being then in camp before Granada, the last Moorish stronghold, the time could not have been more inopportune. Another junta was called before Granada while the siege was going on, but the commission again reported unfavourably. This is not surprising, as Ferdinand of Aragon could not undertake schemes that would involve a great outlay, and divert his attention from the momentous task he was engaged in. Columbus always directed his proposals to the king and as yet the queen had taken no official notice of them, as she too was heart and soul in the enterprise destined to restore Spain wholly to Christian rule.

The junta before Granada took place towards the end of 1491, and its decision was such a blow to Columbus that he left the court and wandered away with his boy. Before leaving, however, he witnessed the fall of Granada, 2 January, 1492. His intention was to return to Cordova and then, perhaps, to go to France. On foot and reduced almost to beggary, he reached the Dominican convent of La Rábida probably in January, 1492. The prior was Father Juan Perez, the confessor of the queen, frequently confounded with Fray Antonio Marchena by historians of the nineteenth century, who also erroneously place the arrival of Columbus at La Rábida in the early part of his sojourn in Spain. Columbus begged the friar who acted as door-keeper to let his tired son rest at the convent over night. While he was pleading his cause the prior was standing near by and listening. Something struck him in the appearance of this man, with a foreign accent, who appeared to be superior to his actual condition. After providing for his immediate wants Father Perez took him to his cell, where Columbus told him all his aspirations and blighted hopes. The result was that Columbus and his son stayed at the convent as guests and Father Perez hurried to Santa Fe near Granada, for the purpose of inducing the queen to take a personal interest in the proposed undertaking of the Italian navigator.

Circumstances had changed with the fall of Granada, and the Dominican's appeal was favourably received by Isabella who, in turn, influenced her husband. Columbus was called to court at once, and 20,000 maravedis were assigned him out of the queen's private resources that he might appear in proper condition before the monarch. Some historians assert that Luis de Santangel decided the queen to espouse the cause of Columbus, but the credit seems rather to belong to the prior of La Rábida. The way had been well prepared by the other steadfast friends of Columbus, not improbably Cardinal Mendoza among others. At all events negotiations progressed so rapidly that on 17 April the first agreement with the Crown was signed, and on 30 April the second. Both show an unwise liberality on the part of the monarchs, who made the highest office in what was afterwards the West Indies hereditary in the family of Columbus. Preparations were immediately begun for the equipment of the expedition. The squadron with which Columbus set out on his first voyage consisted of three vessels--the Santa Maria, completely decked, which carried the flag of Columbus as admiral, the Pinta, and the Niña, both caravels, i.e. undecked, with cabins and forecastles. These three ships carried altogether 120 men. Two seamen of repute, Martín Alonso Pinzon and his brother Vicente Yanez Pinzon, well-to-do-residents of Palos commanded, the former the Pinta. the latter the Niña, and experienced pilots were placed on both ships. Before leaving, Columbus received the Sacraments of Penance and Holy Eucharist, at the hands (it is stated) of Father Juan Perez, the officers and crews of the little squadron following his example. On 3 August, 1492, the people of Palos with heavy hearts saw them depart on an expedition regarded by many as foolhardy.

Las Casas claims to have used the journal of Columbus's first voyage, but he admits that he made an abridged copy of it. What and how much he left out, of course, is not known. But it is well to bear in mind that the journal, as published, is not the original in its entirety. The vessels touched at the Canaries, and then proceeded on the voyage. Conditions were most favourable. Hardly a wind ruffled the waters of the ocean. The dramatic incident of the mutiny, in which the discouragement of the crews is said to have culminated before land was discovered, is a pure invention. That there was dissatisfaction and grumbling at the failure to reach land seems to be certain, but no acts of insubordination are mentioned either by Columbus, his commentator Las Casas, or his son Fernando. Perhaps the most important event during the voyage was the observation, 17 September, by Columbus himself, of the declination of the magnetic needle, which Las Casas attributes to a motion of the polar star. The same author intimates that two distinct journals were kept by the admiral, "because he always represented [feigned] to the people that he was making little headway in order that the voyage should not seem long to them, so that he kept a record by two routes, the shorter being the fictitious one, and the longer the true one". He must therefore either have kept two log-books, or he must have made two different entries in the same book. At any rate Las Casas seems to have had at his command both sets of data, since he gives them almost from day to day. This precautionary measure indicates that Columbus feared insubordination and even revolt on the part of the crews, but there is no evidence that any mutiny really broke out. Finally, at ten o'clock, p.m., 11 October, Columbus himself described a light which indicated land and was so recognized by the crew of his vessel. It reappeared several times, and Columbus felt sure that the shores so eagerly expected were near. At 2 a.m. on 12 October the land was seen plainly by one of the Pinta's crew, and in the forenoon Columbus landed on what is now called Watling's Island in the Bahama group, West Indies. The discoverers named the island San Salvador. The Indians inhabiting it belonged to the widespread Arawak stock and are said to have called the island Guanahani. Immediately after landing Columbus took possession of the island for the Spanish sovereigns.

The results of the first voyage, aside from the discovery of what the admiral regarded as being approaches to India and China, may be summed up as follows: partial recognition of the Bahamas; the discovery and exploration of a part of Cuba, and the establishment of a Spanish settlement on the coast of what is now the Island of Haiti or Santo Domingo. Cuba Columbus named Juana, and Santo Domingo, Hispaniola.

It was on the northern coast of the large island of Santo Domingo that Columbus met with the only serious mishap of the first voyage. Having established the nucleus of the first permanent Spanish settlement in the Indies, he left about three score men to hold it. The vicinity was comparatively well peopled by natives, Arawaks like those of the Bahamas, but slightly more advanced in culture. A few days previous to the foundation Martin Alonso Pinzon disappeared with the caravel Pinta which he commanded and only rejoined the admiral on 6 January, 1493, an act, to say the least, of disobedience, if not of treachery. The first settlement was officially established on Christmas Day, 1492, and hence christened "La Navidad". On the same day the admiral's ship ran aground. It was a total loss, and Columbus was reduced for the time being to the Niña, as the Pinta had temporarily deserted. Happily the natives were friendly. After ensuring, as well as he might, the safety of the little colony by the establishment of friendly relations with the Indians, Columbus left for Spain, where, after weathering a frightful storm during which he was again separated from the Pinta, he arrived at Palos, 15 March, 1493.

From the journal mentioned we also gather (what is not stated in the letters of Columbus) that while on the northern shores of Santo Domingo (Hispaniola) the admiral "learned that behind the Island Juana [Cuba] towards the South, there is another large island in which there is much more gold. They call that island Yamaye.... And that the island Española or the other island Yamaye was near the mainland, ten days distant by canoe, which might be sixty or seventy leagues, and that there the people were clothed [dressed]". Yamaye is Jamaica, and the mainland alluded to as sixty or seventy leagues distant to the south (by south the west is meant), or 150 to 175 English miles (the league, at that time, being counted at four millas of 3000 Spanish feet), was either Yucatan or Honduras. Hence the admiral brought the news of the existence of the American continent to Europe as early as 1493. That he believed the continent to be Eastern Asia does not diminish the importance of his information.

Columbus had been careful to load his ship with all manner of products of the newly discovered countries and he also took some of the natives. Whether, among the samples of the vegetable kingdom, tobacco was included, is not yet satisfactorily ascertained. Nor is it certain that, when upon his return he presented himself to the monarchs at Barcelona, an imposing public demonstration took place in his honour. That he was received with due distinction at court and that he displayed the proofs of his discovery can not be doubted. The best evidence of the high appreciation of the King and Queen of Spain is the fact, that the prerogatives granted to him were confirmed, and everything possible was done to enable him to continue his explorations. The fact that Columbus had found a country that appeared to be rich in precious metals was of the utmost importance. Spain was poor, having been robbed, ages before, of its metallic wealth by the Romans. As gold was needed the discovery of a new source of that precious metal made a strong impression on the people of Spain, and a rush to the new regions was inevitable.

Columbus started on his second voyage to the Indies from Cadiz, 25 September, 1493, with three large vessels and thirteen caravels, carrying in all about 1500 men. On his first trip, he had heard about other, smaller islands lying some distance south of Hispaniola, and said to be inhabited by ferocious tribes who had the advantage over the Arawaks of being intrepid seafarers, and who made constant war upon the inhabitants of the Greater Antilles and the Bahamas, carrying off women and children into captivity. They were believed to practice cannibalism. These were the Caribs and the reports about them were true, outside of some exaggerations and fables like the story of the Amazons. Previous to the arrival of Columbus the Caribs had driven the Arawaks steadily north, depopulated some of the smaller islands, and were sorely pressing the people of Hispaniola, parts of Cuba, Porto Rico, and even Jamaica. Columbus wished to learn more about these people. The helpless condition of the Arawaks made him eager to protect them against their enemies. The first land sighted, 3 November, was the island now known as Dominica, and almost at the same time that of Marie Galante was discovered. Geographically the second voyage resulted in the discovery of the Caribbean Islands (including the French Antilles), Jamaica, and minor groups. Columbus having obtained conclusive evidence of the ferocious customs of the Caribs, regarded them as dangerous to the settlements he proposed to make among the Arawaks and as obstacles to the Christianization and civilization of these Indians. The latter he intended to make use of as labourers, as he soon perceived that for some time to come European settlers would be too few in numbers and too new to the climate to take advantage of the resources of the island. The Caribs he purposed to convert eventually, but for the time being they must be considered as enemies, and according to the customs of the age, their captors had the right to reduce them to slavery. The Arawaks were to be treated in a conciliatory manner, as long as they did not show open hostility. Before long, however, there was a change in these relations.

After a rapid survey of Jamaica, Columbus hastened to the northern coast of Haiti, where he had planted the colony of La Navidad. To his surprise the little fort had disappeared. There were to be seen only smouldering ruins and some corpses which were identified as Spanish. The natives, previously so friendly, were shy, and upon being questioned were either mute or contradictory in their replies. It was finally ascertained that another tribe, living farther inland and hostile to those on the coast, had fallen upon the fort, killed most of the inmates, and burnt most of the buildings. Those who escaped had perished in their flight. But it also transpired that the coast people themselves had taken part in the massacre. Columbus, while outwardly on good terms with them, was on his guard and, in consequence of the aversion of his people to a site where only disaster had befallen them, moved some distance farther east and established on the coast the larger settlement of Isabella. This stood ten leagues to the east of Cape Monte Cristo, where the ruins are still to be seen.

The existence of gold on Haiti having been amply demonstrated on the first voyage, Columbus inaugurated a diligent search for places where it might be found. The gold trinkets worn by the Indians were washings or placeres, but mention is also made, on the first voyage, of quartz rock containing the precious metal. But it is likely that the yellow mineral was iron pyrites, probably gold-bearing but, in the backward state of metallurgy, worthless at the time. Soon after the settlement was made at Isabella the colonists began to complain that the mineral wealth of the newly discovered lands had been vastly exaggerated and one, who accompanied the expedition as expert in metallurgy, claimed that the larger nuggets held by the natives had been accumulated in the course of a long period of time. This very sensible supposition was unjustly criticized by Irving, for since Irving's time it has been clearly proved that pieces of metal of unusual size and shape were often kept for generations by the Indians as fetishes.

A more important factor which disturbed the Spanish was the unhealthiness of the climate. The settlers had to go through the slow and often fatal process of acclimatization. Columbus himself suffered considerably from ill-health. Again, the island was not well provided with food suitable for the newcomers. The population, notwithstanding the exaggerations of Las Casas and others, was sparse. Isabella with its fifteen hundred Spanish immigrants was certainly the most populous settlement. At first there was no clash with the natives, but parties sent by Columbus into the interior came in contact with hostile tribes. For the protection of the colonists Columbus built in the interior a little fort called Santo Tomas. He also sent West Indian products and some Carib prisoners back to Spain in a vessel under the command of Antonio de Torres. Columbus suggested that the Caribs be sold as slaves in order that they might be instructed in the Christian Faith. This suggestion was not adopted by the Spanish monarchs, and the prisoners were treated as kindly in Spain as the friendly Arawaks who had been sent over.

The condition of affairs on Hispaniola (Haiti) was not promising. At Isabella and on the coast there was grumbling against the admiral, in which the Benedictine Father Buil (Boil) and the other priests joined, or which, at least, they did not discourage. In the interior there was trouble with the natives. The commander at Santo Tomas, Pedro Margarite, is usually accused of cruelty to the Indians, but Columbus himself in his Memorial of 30 January, 1494, commends the conduct of that officer. However, he had to send him reinforcements, which were commanded by Alonzo de Ojeda.

Anxiously following up his theory that the newly discovered islands were but outlying posts of Eastern Asia and that further explorations would soon lead him to the coast of China or to the Moluccas, Columbus, notwithstanding the precarious condition of the colony, left it in charge of his brother Diego and four counsellors (one of whom was Father Buil), and with three vessels set sail towards Cuba. During his absence of five months he explored parts of Cuba, discovered the Isle of Pines and several groups of smaller islands, and made the circuit of Jamaica, landing there almost every day. When he returned to Isabella (29 September, 1494), he was dangerously ill and in a stupor. Meanwhile his brother Bartholomew had arrived from Spain with a small squadron and supplies. He proved a welcome auxiliary to the weak Diego, but could not prevent serious trouble. Margarite, angered by interference with his administration in the interior, returned to the coast, and there was joined by Father Buil and other malcontents. They seized the three caravels that had arrived under the command of Bartholomew Columbus, and set sail in them for Spain to lay before the Government what they considered their grievances against Columbus and his administration.

That there was cause for complaint there seems to be no doubt, but it is almost impossible now to determine who was most at fault, Columbus or his accusers. He was certainly not as able an administrator as he was a navigator. Still, taking into consideration the difficulties, the novelty of the conditions, and the class of men Columbus had to handle, and placing over against this what he had already achieved on Haiti, there is not so much ground for criticism. The charges of cruelty against the natives are based upon rather suspicious authority, Las Casas being the principal source. There were errors and misdeeds on both sides, which, however, might not have brought about a crisis had not disappointment angered the settlers, who had based their expectations on the glowing reports of Columbus himself, and disposed them to attribute all their troubles to their opponents.

Before the return of Columbus to Isabella, Ojeda had repulsed an attempt of the natives to surprise Santo Tomas. Thereupon the Indians of various tribes of the interior now formed a confederation and threatened Isabella. Columbus, however, on his return, with the aid of firearms, sixteen horses, and about twenty blood-hounds easily broke up the Indian league. Ojeda captured the leader, and the policy of kindness hitherto pursued towards the natives was replaced by repression and chastisement. According to the customs of the times the prisoners of war were regarded as rebels, reduced to slavery, and five hundred of these were sent to Spain to be sold. It is certain that the condition of the Indians became much worse thereafter, that they were forced into unaccustomed labours, and that their numbers began to diminish rapidly. That these harsh measures were authorized by Columbus there can be no doubt.

While the Spanish monarchs in their dispatches to Columbus continued to show the same confidence and friendliness they could not help hearing the accusations made against him by Father Buil, Pedro Margarite, and the other malcontents, upon their return to Spain. It was clear that there were two factions among the Spaniards in Haiti, one headed by the admiral, the other composed of perhaps a majority of the settlers including ecclesiastics. Still the monarchs enjoined the colonists by letter to obey Columbus in everything and confirmed his authority and privileges. The incriminations, however, continued, and charges were made of nepotism and spoliation if royal revenue. There was probably some foundation for these charges, though also much wilful misrepresentation. Unable to ascertain the true condition of affairs, the sovereigns finally decided to send to the Indies a special commissioner to investigate and report. Their choice fell upon Juan de Aguado who had gone with Columbus on his first voyage and with whom he had always been on friendly terms. Aguado arrived at Isabella in October, 1495, while Columbus was absent on a journey of exploration across the island. No clash appears to have occurred between Aguado and Bartholomew Columbus, who was in charge of the colony during his brother's absence, much less with the admiral himself upon the latter's return. Soon after, reports of important gold discoveries came from a remote quarter of the island accompanied by specimens. The arrival of Aguado convinced Columbus of the necessity for his appearance in Spain and that new discoveries of gold would strengthen his position there. So he fitted out two ships, one for himself and one for Aguado, placing in them two hundred dissatisfied colonists, a captive Indian chief (who died on the voyage), and thirty Indian prisoners, and set sail for Spain on 10 March, 1496, leaving his brother Bartholomew at Isabella as temporary governor. As intercourse between Spain and the Indies was now carried on at almost regular intervals. Bartholomew was in communication with the mother country and was at least tacitly recognized as his brother's substitute in the government of the Indies. Columbus reached Cadiz 11 June, 1496.

The story of his landing is quite dramatic. He is reported to have gone ashore, clothed in the Franciscan garb, and to have manifested a dejection which was wholly uncalled for. His health, it is true, was greatly impaired, and his companions bore the marks of great physical suffering. The impression created by their appearance was of course not favourable and tended to confirm the reports of the opponents of Columbus about the nature of the new country. This, as well as the disappointing results of the search for precious metals, did not fail to have its influence. The monarchs saw that the first enthusiastic reports had been exaggerated, and that the enterprise while possibly lucrative in the end, would entail large expenditures for some time to come. Bishop Fonseca, who was at the head of colonial affairs, urged that great caution should be exercised. What was imputed to Bishop Fonseca as jealousy was only the sincere desire of an honest functionary to guard the interests of the Crown without blocking the way of an enthusiastic but somewhat visionary genius who had been unsuccessful as an administrator. Later expressions (1505) of Columbus indicate that the personal relations to Fonseca were at the time far from unfriendly. But the fact that Columbus had proposed the enslaving of American natives and actually sent a number of them over to Spain had alienated the sympathy of the queen to a certain degree, and thus weakened his position at court.

Nevertheless, it was not difficult for Columbus to organize a third expedition. Columbus started on his third voyage from Seville with six vessels on 30 May, 1498. He directed his course more southward than before, owing to reports of a great land lying west and south of the Antilles and his belief that it was the continent of Asia. He touched at the Island of Madeira, and later at Gomera, one of the Canary Islands, whence he sent to Haiti three vessels. Sailing southward, he went to the Cape Verde Islands and, turning thence almost due west, arrived on 31 July 1498, in sight of what is now the Island of Trinidad which was so named by him. Opposite, on the other side of a turbulent channel, lay the lowlands of north-eastern South America. Alarmed by the turmoil caused by the meeting of the waters of the Orinoco (which empties through several channels into the Atlantic opposite Trinidad) with the Guiana current, Columbus kept close to the southern shore of Trinidad as far as its south-western extremity, where he found the water still more turbulent. He therefore gave that place the name of Boca del Drago, or Dragon's Mouth. Before venturing into the seething waters Columbus crossed over to the mainland and cast anchor. He was under the impression that this was an island, but a vast stream of fresh water gave evidence of a continent. Columbus landed, he and his crew being thus the first Europeans to set foot on South American soil. The natives were friendly and gladly exchanged pearls for European trinkets. The discovery of pearls in American waters was important and very welcome.

A few days later, the admiral, setting sail again, was borne by the currents safely to the Island of Margarita, where he found the natives fishing for pearls, of which he obtained three bags by barter.

Some of the letters of Columbus concerning his third voyage are written in a tone of despondency. Owing to his physical condition, he viewed things with a discontent far from justifiable. And, as already said, his views of the geographical situation were somewhat fanciful. The great outpour opposite Trinidad he justly attributed to the emptying of a mighty river coming from the west, a river, so large that only a continent could afford its space. In this he was right, but in his eyes that continent was Asia, and the sources of that river must be on the highest point of the globe. He was confirmed in this idea by his belief that Trinidad was nearer the Equator than it actually is and that near the Equator the highest land on earth should be found. He thought also that the sources of the Orinoco lay in the Earthly Paradise and that the great river was one of the four streams that according to Scripture flowed from the Garden of Eden. He had no accurate knowledge of the form of the earth, and conjectured that it was pear-shaped.

On 15 August, fearing a lack of supplies, and suffering severely from what his biographers call gout and from impaired eyesight, he left his new discoveries and steered for Haiti. On 19 August he sighted that island some distance west of where the present capital of the Republic of Santo Domingo now stands. During his absence his brother Bartholomew had abandoned Isabella and established his head-quarters at Santo Domingo so called after his father Domenico. During the absence of Columbus events on Haiti had been far from satisfactory. His brother Bartholomew, who was then known as the adelantado, had to contend with several Indian outbreaks, which he subdued partly by force, partly by wise temporizing. These outbreaks were, at least in part, due to a change in the class of settlers by whom the colony was reinforced. The results of the first settlement far from justified the buoyant hopes based on the exaggerated reports of the first voyage, and the pendulum of public opinion swung back to the opposite extreme. The clamour of opposition to Columbus in the colonies and the discouraging reports greatly increased in Spain the disappointment with the new territorial acquisitions. That the climate was not healthful seemed proved by the appearance of Columbus and his companions on his return from the second voyage. Hence no one was willing to go to the newly discovered country, and convicts, suspects, and doubtful characters in general who were glad to escape the regulations of justice were the only reinforcements that could be obtained for the colony on Hispaniola. As a result there were conflicts with the aborigines, sedition in the colony, and finally open rebellion against the authority of the adelantado and his brother Diego. Columbus and his brothers were Italians, and this fact told against them among the malcontents and lower officials, but that it influenced the monarchs and the court authorities is a gratuitous charge.

As long as they had not a common leader Bartholomew had little to fear from the malcontents, who separated from the rest of the colony, and formed a settlement apart. They abused the Indians, thus causing almost uninterrupted trouble. However, they soon found a leader in the person of one Roldan, to whom the admiral had entrusted a prominent office in the colony. There must have been some cause for complaint against the government of Bartholomew and Diego, else Roldan could not have so increased the number of his followers as to make himself formidable to the brothers, undermining their authority at their own head-quarters and even among the garrison of Santo Domingo. Bartholomew was forced to compromise on unfavourable terms. So, when the admiral arrived from Spain he found the Spanish settlers on Haiti divided into two camps, the stronger of which, headed by Roldan, was hostile to his authority. That Roldan was an utterly unprincipled man, but energetic and above all, shrewd and artful, appears from the following incident. Soon after the arrival of Columbus the three caravels he had sent from Gomera with stores and ammunition struck the Haitian coast where Roldan had established himself. The latter represented to the commanders of the vessels that he was there by Columbus's authority and easily obtained from them military stores as well as reinforcements in men. On their arrival shortly afterward at Santo Domingo the caravels were sent back to Spain by Columbus. Alarmed at the condition of affairs and his own importance, he informed the monarchs of his critical situation and asked for immediate help. Then he entered into negotiations with Roldan. The latter not only held full control in the settlement which he commanded, but had the sympathy of most of the military garrisons that Columbus and his brothers relied upon as well as the majority of the colonists. How Columbus and his brother could have made themselves so unpopular is explained in various ways. There was certainly much unjustifiable ill will against them, but there was also legitimate cause for discontent, which was adroitly exploited by Roldan and his followers.

Seeing himself almost powerless against his opponents on the island, the admiral stooped to a compromise. Roldan finally imposed his own conditions. He was reinstated in his office and all offenders were pardoned; and a number of them returned to Santo Domingo. Columbus also freed many of the Indian tribes from tribute, but in order still further to appease the former mutineers, he instituted the system of repartimientos, by which not only grants of land were made to the whites, but the Indians holding these lands or living on them were made perpetual serfs to the new owners, and full jurisdiction over life and property of these Indians became vested in the white settlers. This measure had the most disastrous effect on the aborigines, and Columbus has been severely blamed for it, but he was then in such straits that he had to go to any extreme to pacify his opponents until assistance could reach him from Spain. By the middle of the year 1500 peace apparently reigned again in the colony, though largely at the expense of the prestige and authority of Columbus.

Meanwhile reports and accusations had reached the court of Spain from both parties in Haiti. It became constantly more evident that Columbus was no longer master of the situation in the Indies, and that some steps were necessary to save the situation. It might be said that the Court had merely to support Columbus whether right or wrong. But the West Indian colony had grown, and its settlers had their connections and supporters in Spain, who claimed some attention and prudent consideration. The clergy who were familiar with the circumstances through personal experience for the most part disapproved of the management of affairs by Columbus and his brothers. Queen Isabella's irritation at the sending of Indian captives for sale as slaves had by this time been allayed by a reminder of the custom then in vogue of enslaving captive rebels or prisoners of war addicted to specially inhuman customs, as was the case with the Caribs. Anxious to be just, the monarchs decided upon sending to Haiti an officer to investigate and to punish all offenders. This visitador was invested with full power, and was to have the same authority as the monarchs themselves for the time being, superseding Columbus himself, though the latter was the Viceroy of the Indies. The visita was a mode of procedure employed by the Spanish monarchs for the adjustment of critical matters, chiefly in the colonies. The visitador was selected irrespective of rank or office, solely from the standpoint of fitness, and not infrequently his mission was kept secret from the viceroy or other high official whose conduct he was sent to investigate; there are indications that sometimes he had summary power over life and death. A visita was a much dreaded measure, and for very good reasons.

The investigation in the West Indies was not called a visita at the time, but such it was in fact. The visitador chosen was Francisco de Bobadilla, of whom both Las Casas and Oviedo (friends and admirers of Columbus) speak in favourable terms. His instructions were, as his office required, general and his faculties, of course, discretionary; there is no need of supposing secret orders inimical to Columbus to explain what afterwards happened. The admiral was directed, in a letter addressed to him and entrusted to Bobadilla, to turn over to the latter, at least temporarily, the forts and all public property on the island. No blame can be attached to the monarchs for this measure. After an experiment of five years the administrative capacity of Columbus had failed to prove satisfactory. Yet, the vice-regal power had been vested in him as an hereditary right. To continue adhering to that clause of the original contract was impracticable, since the colony refused to pay heed to Columbus and his orders. Hence the suspension of the viceregal authority of Columbus was indefinitely prolonged, so that the office was reduced to a mere title and finally fell into disuse. The curtailment of revenue resulting from it was comparatively small, as all the emoluments proceeding from his other titles and prerogatives were left untouched. The tale of his being reduced to indigence is a baseless fabrication.

A man suddenly clothed with unusual and discretionary faculties is liable to be led astray by unexpected circumstances and tempted to go to extremes. Bobadilla had a right to expect implicit obedience to royal orders on the part of all and, above all, from Columbus as the chief servant of the Crown. When on 24 August, 1500, Bobadilla landed at Santo Domingo and demanded of Diego Columbus compliance with the royal orders, the latter declined to obey until directed by the admiral who was then absent. Bobadilla, possibly predisposed against Columbus and his brothers by the reports of others and by the sight of the bodies of Spaniards dangling from gibbets in full view of the port, considered the refusal of Diego as an act of direct insubordination. The action of Diego was certainly unwise and gave colour to an assumption that Columbus and his brothers considered themselves masters of the country. This implied rebellion and furnished a pretext to Bobadilla for measures unjustifiably harsh. As visitador he had absolute authority to do as he thought best, especially against the rebels, of whom Columbus appeared in his eyes as the chief.

Within a few days after the landing of Bobadilla, Diego and Bartholomew Columbus were imprisoned and put in irons. The admiral himself, who returned with the greatest possible speed, shared their fate. The three brothers were separated and kept in close confinement, but they could hear from their cells the imprecations of the people against their rule. Bobadilla charged them with being rebellious subjects and seized their private property to pay their personal debts. He liberated prisoners, reduced or abolished imposts, in short did all he could to place the new order of things in favourable contrast to the previous management. No explanation was offered to Columbus for the harsh treatment to which he was subjected, for a visitador had only to render account to the king or according to his special orders. Early in October, 1500, the three brothers, still in fetters, were placed on board ship, and sent to Spain, arriving at Cadiz at the end of the month. Their treatment while aboard seems to have been considerate; Villejo, the commander, offered to remove the manacles from Columbus's hands and relieve him from the chains, an offer, however, which Columbus refused to accept. It seems, nevertheless, that he did not remain manacled, else he could not have written the long and piteous letter to the nurse of Prince Juan, recounting his misfortunes on the vessel. He dispatched this letter to the court at Granada before the reports of Bobadilla were sent.

The news of the arrival of Columbus as a prisoner was received with unfeigned indignation by the monarchs, who saw that their agent Bobadilla had abused the trust placed in him. The people also saw the injustice, and everything was done to relieve Columbus from his humiliating condition and assure him of the royal favour, that is, everything except to reinstate him as Governor of the Indies. This fact is mainly responsible for the accusation of duplicity and treachery which is made against King Ferdinand. Critics overlook the fact that in addition to the reasons already mentioned no new colonists could be obtained from Spain, if Columbus were to continue in office, and that the expedient of sending convicts to Haiti had failed disastrously. Moreover, the removal of Columbus was practically implied in the instructions and powers given to Bobadilla, and the conduct of the admiral during Aguado's mission left no room for doubt that he would submit to the second investigation. He would have done so, but Bobadilla, anxious to make a display and angered at the delay of Diego Columbus, exceeded the spirit of his instructions, expecting thereby to rise in royal as well as in popular favour.

In regard to the former he soon found out his mistake. His successor in the governorship of Haiti was soon appointed in the person of Nicolas de Ovando. Bobadilla was condemned to restore to Columbus the property he had sequestered, and was recalled. The largest fleet sent to the Indies up to that time sailed under Ovando on 13 February, 1502. It is not without significance that 2500 people, some of high rank, flocked to the vessels that were to transport the new governor to the Indies. This shows that with the change in the administration of the colony faith in its future was restored among the Spanish people. By this time the mental condition of Columbus had become greatly impaired. While at court for eighteen months vainly attempting to obtain the restoration to a position for which he was becoming more and more unfitted, he was planning new schemes. Convinced that his third voyage had brought him nearer to Asia, he proposed to the monarchs a project to recover the Holy Sepulchre by the western route, that would have led him across South America to the Pacific Ocean. He fancied that the large river he had discovered west of Trinidad flowed in a direction opposite to its real course, and thought that by following it he could reach the Red Sea and thence cross over to Jerusalem. So preoccupied was he with these ideas that he made arrangements for depositing part of his revenue with the bank of Genoa to be used in the reconquest of the Holy Land. This alone disposes of the allegations that Columbus was left without resources after his liberation from captivity. He was enabled to maintain a position at court corresponding to his exalted rank, and favours and privileges were bestowed on both of his sons. The project of testing the views of Columbus in regard to direct communication with Asia was seriously considered, and finally a fourth voyage of exploration at the expense of the Spanish Government was conceded to Columbus. That there were some misgivings in regard to his physical and mental condition is intimated by the fact that he was given as companions his brother Bartholomew, who had great influence with him, and his favourite son Fernando. Four vessels carrying, besides these three and a representative of the Crown to receive any treasure that might be found, about 150 men, set sail from San Lucar early in May, 1502. Columbus was enjoined not to stop at Haiti, a wise measure, for had the admiral landed there so soon after the arrival of Ovando, there would have been danger of new disturbances. Disobeying these instructions, Columbus attempted to enter the port of Santo Domingo, but was refused admission. He gave proof of his knowledge and experience as a mariner by warning Ovando of an approaching hurricane, but was not listened to. He himself sheltered his vessels at some distance from the harbour. The punishment for disregarding the friendly warning came swiftly; the large fleet which had brought Ovando over was, on sailing for Spain, overtaken by the tempest, and twenty ships were lost, with them Bobadillo, Roldan, and the gold destined for the Crown. The admiral's share of the gold obtained on Haiti, four thousand pieces directly sent to him by his representative on the island, was not lost, and on being delivered in Spain, was not confiscated. Hence it is difficult to see how Columbus could have been in need during the last years of his life.

The vessels of Columbus having suffered comparatively little from the tempest, he left the coast of Haiti in July, 1502, and was carried by wind and current to the coast of Honduras. From 30 July, 1502, to the end of the following April he coasted Central America beyond Colon to Cape Tiburon on the South American Continent. On his frequent landings he found traces of gold, heard reports of more civilized tribes of natives farther inland, and persistent statements about another ocean lying west and south of the land he was coasting, the latter being represented to him as a narrow strip dividing two vast seas. The mental condition of Columbus, coupled with his physical disabilities, prevented him from interpreting these important indications otherwise than as confirmations of his vague theories and fatal visions. Instead of sending an exploring party across the isthmus to satisfy himself of the truth of these reports, he accepted this testimony to the existence of a sea beyond, which he firmly believed to be the Indian Ocean, basing his confidence on a dream in which he had seen a strait he supposed to be the Strait of Malacca. As his crews were exasperated by the hardships and deceptions, his ships worn-eaten, and he himself emaciated, he turned back towards Haiti with what he thought to be the tidings of a near approach to the Asiatic continent. It had been a disastrous voyage; violent storms continually harassed the little squadron, two ships had been lost, and the treasure obtained far from compensated for the toil and the suffering endured. This was all the more exasperating when it became evident that a much richer reward could be obtained by penetrating inland, to which, however, Columbus would not or perhaps could not consent.

On 23 June, 1503, Columbus and his men, crowded on two almost sinking caravels, finally landed on the inhospitable coast of Jamaica. After dismantling his useless craft, and using the material for temporary shelter, he sent a boat to Haiti to ask for assistance and to dispatch thence to Spain a vessel with a pitiful letter giving a fantastic account of his sufferings which in itself gave evidence of an over-excited and disordered mind.

Ovando to whom Columbus's request for help was delivered at Jaragua (Haiti) cannot be acquitted of unjustifiable delay in sending assistance to the shipwrecked and forsaken admiral. There is no foundation for assuming that he acted under the orders or in accordance with the wishes of the sovereigns. Columbus had become useless, the colonists in Haiti would not tolerate his presence there. The only practical course was to take him back to Spain directly and remove him forever from the lands the discovery of which had made him immortal. In spite of his many sufferings, Columbus was not utterly helpless. His greatest trouble came from the mutinous spirit of his men who roamed about, plundering and maltreating the natives, who, in consequence, became hostile and refused to furnish supplies. An eclipse of the moon predicted by Columbus finally brought them to terms and thus prevented starvation. Ovando, though informed of the admiral's critical condition, did nothing for his relief except to permit Columbus's representative in Haiti to fit out a caravel with stores at the admiral's expense and send it to Jamaica; but even this tardy relief did not reach Columbus until June, 1504. He also permitted Mendez, who had been the chief messenger of Columbus to Haiti, to take passage for Spain, where he was to inform the sovereigns of the admiral's forlorn condition. There seems to be no excuse for the conduct of Ovando on this occasion. The relief expedition finally organized in Haiti, after a tedious and somewhat dangerous voyage, landed the admiral and his companions in Spain, 7 November, 1504.

A few weeks later Queen Isabella died, and grave difficulties beset the king. Columbus, now in very feeble health, remained at Seville until May, 1505, when he was at last able to attend court at Valladolid. His reception by the king was decorous, but without warmth. His importunities to be restored to his position as governor were put off with future promises of redress, but no immediate steps were taken. The story of the utter destitution in which the admiral is said to have died is one of the many legends with which his biography has been distorted. Columbus is said to have been buried at Valladolid. His son Diego is authority for the statement that his remains were buried in the Carthusian Convent of Las Cuevas, Seville, within three years after his death. According to the records of the convent, the remains were given up for transportation to Haiti in 1536, though other documents placed this event in 1537. It is conjectured, however, that the removal did not take place till 1541, when the Cathedral of Santo Domingo was completed, though there are no records of this entombment. When, in 1795, Haiti passed under French control, Spanish authorities removed the supposed remains of Columbus to Havana. On the occupation of Cuba by the United States they were once more removed to Seville (1898).

Columbus was unquestionably a man of genius. He was a bold, skilful navigator, better acquainted with the principles of cosmography and astronomy than the average skipper of his time, a man of original ideas, fertile in his plans, and persistent in carrying them into execution. The impression he made on those with whom he came in contact even in the days of his poverty, such as Fray Juan Perez, the treasurer Luis de Santangel, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and Queen Isabella herself, shows that he had great powers of persuasion and was possessed of personal magnetism. His success in overcoming the obstacles to his expeditions and surmounting the difficulties of his voyages exhibit him as a man of unusual resources and of unflinching determination.

Columbus was also of a deeply religious nature. Whatever influence scientific theories and the ambition for fame and wealth may have had over him, in advocating his enterprise he never failed to insist on the conversion of the pagan peoples that he would discover as one of the primary objects of his undertaking. Even when clouds had settled over his career, after his return as a prisoner from the lands he had discovered, he was ready to devote all his possessions and the remaining years of his life to set sail again for the purpose of rescuing Christ's Sepulchre from the hands of the infidel.

Other Members of the Columbus Family

Other members of the Columbus family also acquired fame:

Diego. Diego, the first son of Christopher and heir to his titles and prerogatives, was born at Lisbon, 1476, and died at Montalvan, near Toledo, 23 February, 1526. He was made a page to Queen Isabella in 1492, and remained at court until 1508. Having obtained confirmation of the privileges originally conceded to his father (the title of viceroy of the newly discovered countries excepted) he went to Santo Domingo in 1509 as Admiral of the Indies and Governor of Hispaniola. The authority of Diego Velazquez as governor, however, had become too firmly established, and Diego was met by open and secret opposition, especially from the royal Audiencia. Visiting Spain in 1520 he was favourably received and new honours bestowed upon him. However, in 1523, he had to return again to Spain to answer charges against him. The remainder of his life was taken up by the suit of the heirs of Columbus against the royal treasury, a memorable legal contest only terminated in 1564. Diego seems to have been a man of no extraordinary attainments, but of considerable tenacity of character.

Ferdinand. Ferdinand, better known as Fernando Colon, second son of Christopher, by Doña Beatriz Enriquez, a lady of a noble family of Cordova in Spain, was born at Cordova, 15 August, 1488; died at Seville, 12 July 1539. As he was naturally far more gifted than his half-brother Diego, he was a favourite with his father, whom he accompanied on the last voyage. As early as 1498 Queen Isabella had made him one of her pages and Columbus in his will (1505) left him an ample income, which was subsequently increased by royal grants. Fernando had decided literary tastes and wrote well in Spanish. While it is stated that he wrote a history of the West Indies, there are now extant only two works by him: "Descripción y cosmografía de España", a detailed geographical itinerary begun in 1517, published at Madrid in the "Boletin de la Real Sociedad geográfica" (1906-07); and the life of the admiral, his father, written about 1534, the Spanish original of which has been lost. It was published in an Italian translation by Ulloa in 1571 as "Vita dell' ammiraglio", and re-translated into Spanish by Barcia. "Historiadores primitivos de Indias" (Madrid, 1749). As might be expected this biography is sometimes partial, though Fernando often sides with the Spanish monarchs against his father. Of the highest value is the report by Fray Roman Pane on the customs of the Haitian Indians which is incorporated into the text. (See ARAWAKS.) Fernando left to the cathedral chapter of Seville a library of 20,000 volumes, a part of which still exists and is known as the Biblioteca Columbina.

Bartholomew. Bartholomew, elder brother of Christopher, born possibly in 1445 at Genoa; died at Santo Domingo, May, 1515. Like Christopher he became a seafarer at an early age. After his attempts to interest the Kings of France and England in his brother's projects, his life was bound up with that of his brother. It was during his time that bloodhounds were introduced into the West Indies. He was a man of great energy and some military talent, and during Christopher's last voyage took the leadership at critical moments. After 1506 he probably went to Rome and in 1509 back to the West Indies with his nephew Diego.

Diego. Diego, younger brother of Christopher and his companion on the second voyage, born probably at Genoa; died at Santo Domingo after 1509. After his release from chains in Spain (1500) he became a priest and returned to the West Indies in 1509.

The tract of CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, De prima in mari Indico lustratione, was published with the Bellum Christianorum principum of ROBERT ABBOT OF SAINT-REMI (Basle, 1533).--Codice diplomatico-Colombo-Americano, ossia Raccolia di documenti spettanti a Cr. Col., etc. (Genoa, 1823); ANON., Cr. Col. aiutato dei minorite nella scoperta del nuovo mondo (Genoa, 1846); SANGUINETTI, Vita di Colombo (Genoa, 1846); BOSSI, Vita di Cr. Col. (Milan, 1818); SPOTORNO, Della origine e della patria di Cr. Col. (Geonoa, 1819); NAVARRETE, Coleccion de los viajes y descubrimientas...desde fines del siglo XV (Madrid, 1825), I, II; AVEZAC-MACAYA, Annee veritable de la naissance de Chr. Col. (Paris, 1873); ROSELLY DE LORGNES, Vie et voyages de Chr. Col. (Paris, 1804), from which was compiled by BARRY, Life of Chr. Col. (New York, 1869); COLUMBUS, FERDINAND, French tr. by MULLER, Hist. de la vie et des decouvertes de Chr. Col. (Paris, s.d.); MAJOR (tr.), Select Letters of Chr. Col. (London, 1847 and 1870); HARRISSE, Fernando Colon historiador de du padre (Seville, 1871); VIGNAUD, La maison d'Alba et les archives colombiennes (Paris, 1901); l'HAGON, La Patria dr Colon segun los documentos de las ordenes militares (Madrid, 1892); UZIELLO in Congresso geografico italiano; Atti for April, 1901, Tascanelli, Colombo e Vespucci (Milan, 1902); WINSOR, Christopher Columbus (Boston, 1891); ADAMS, Christopher Columbus, in Makers of America (New York, 1892); DURO, Colon y la Historia Postuma (Madrid, 1885); THACHER, Christopher Columbus: His Life, His Work, His Remains (3 vols., New York, 1903-1904); IRVING, Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (3 vols., New York, 1868); PETER MARTYR, Dr orbe nova (Alcala, 1530); LAS CASAS, Historia de las Indias in Documentas para la historia de Espana; OVIEDO, Hist. general (Madrid, 1850). The last three authors had personal intercourse with Columbus, and their works are the chief source of information concerning him. CLARKE, Christopher Columbus in The Am. Cath. Quart. Rev. (1892); SHEA, Columbus, This Century's Estimate of His Life and Work (ibid.); U.S. CATH. HIST. SOC., The Cosmographier Introductio of Martin Waldseemuller (New York, 1908).

References

  1. Back to citation In other relevant languages: Spanish: Cristóbal Colón [kɾisˈtoβal koˈlon]; Portuguese: Cristóvão Colombo [kɾiʃˈtɔvɐ̃w kuˈlõbu]; Catalan: Cristòfor (or Cristòfol) Colom [kɾisˈtɔfuɾ kuˈlom, -ful k-]; Italian: Cristoforo Colombo [kriˈstɔːforo koˈlombo]; Ligurian: Cristoffa C(or)ombo [kɾiˈʃtɔffa kuˈɾuŋbu, – ˈkuŋbu]; Latin: Christophorus Columbus.
  2. Back to citation "Columbus". Dictionary.com Unabridged (Online). n.d.
  3. Back to citation occurrence 3.0 Back to citation occurrence 3.1 Delaney, Carol (2011). Columbus and the Quest for Jerusalem. Free Press/Simon and Schuster. p. 74. ISBN 978-1-4391-0237-4.
  4. Back to citation Though the modern state of Italy had yet to be established, the Latin equivalent of the term Italian had been in use for natives of the region since antiquity; most scholars believe Columbus was born in Genoa. Flint, Valerie I. J. (16 May 2021). "Christopher Columbus". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 2 January 2022.
  5. Back to citation Flint, Valerie I. J. (16 May 2021). "Christopher Columbus". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 2 January 2022.
  6. Back to citation Fernández-Armesto, Felipe (2010). Columbus on Himself. Hackett. p. 270. ISBN 978-1-60384-317-1. “The date of Fernando's birth, November 1488, gives a terminus ante quem early in that year for the start of Columbus's liaison with Beatriz Enríquez. She was of peasant parentage, but, when Columbus met her, was the ward of a well-to-do relative in Cordoba. A meat business gave her income of her own, mentioned in the only other record of Columbus's solicitude for her: a letter to Diego, written in 1502, just before departure on the fourth Atlantic crossing, in which the explorer enjoins his son to 'take Beatriz Enriquez in your care for love of me, as you your own mother'. Varela, Cristóbal Colón, p. 309.”; Taviani, Paolo Emilio (2016). "Beatriz de Arana". In Bedini, Silvio A. (ed.). The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia. Springer. pp. 24–25. ISBN 978-1-349-12573-9. “Columbus never married Beatriz. When he returned from the first voyage, he was given the greatest of honors and elevated to the highest position in Spain. Because of his discovery, he became one of the most illustrious persons at the Spanish court and had to submit, like all the great persons of the time, to customary legal restrictions on matters of marriage and extramarital relations. The Alphonsine laws forbade extramarital relations of concubinage for "illustrious people" (king, princes, dukes, counts, marquis) with plebeian women, if they themselves were or their forefathers had been of inferior social condition.”; Phillips & Phillips 1992, p. 126.
  7. Back to citation Dowlah, Caf (2020). Cross-Border Labor Mobility: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-3-030-36506-6. “Most researchers however trace the beginning of the early modern era to Christopher Columbus's discovery of the Americas in the 1490s”
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  9. Back to citation Edwards, J. (2014). Ferdinand and Isabella. Routledge. p. 118. ISBN 978-1-317-89345-5.
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  11. Back to citation Gilman, D. C.; Peck, H. T; Colby, F. M., eds. (1905). "Columbus, Diego (brother)". New International Encyclopedia (1st ed.). New York: Dodd, Mead. – the names Giacomo and Diego are cognates, along with James, all sharing a common origin. See Behind the Name, Mike Campbell, pages Giacomo, Diego, and James. All retrieved 3 February 2017.
  12. Back to citation Bergreen 2011, p. 56.
  13. Back to citation King, Ross (2021). The Bookseller of Florence: The Story of the Manuscripts That Illuminated the Renaissance. Atlantic Monthly Press. p. 264. ISBN 978-0-8021-5853-6.
  14. Back to citation occurrence 14.0 Back to citation occurrence 14.1 Phillips & Phillips 1992, p. 96.
  15. Back to citation Galante, John Starosta (2022). On the Other Shore: The Atlantic Worlds of Italians in South America During the Great War. Univ of Nebraska Press. p. 13. ISBN 978-1-4962-2958-8. Ligurian pronunciation: [kriˈʃtɔffa kuˈɹuŋbu] Consulta Ligure (1982). Vocabolario delle parlate liguri [Vocabulary of Ligurian Speech: Specialized Vocabulary] (in Italian). Sage. ISBN 978-8-8705-8044-0.
  16. Back to citation Sánchez, Joseph P; Gurulé, Jerry L; Broughton, William H. (1990). Bibliografia Colombina, 1492–1990: Books, Articles and Other Publications on the Life and Times of Christopher Columbus. National Park Service, Spanish Colonial Research Center. p. ix.
  17. Back to citation Bedini, Silvio A. (2016). Bedini, Silvio A. (ed.). The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia. Springer. p. viii. ISBN 978-1-349-12573-9.
  18. Back to citation Wilgus, Alva Curtis (1973). Latin America, 1492–1942: A Guide to Historical and Cultural Development Before World War II. Scarecrow. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-8108-0595-8.
  19. Back to citation (in Portuguese) "Armas e Troféus." Revista de História, Heráldica, Genealogia e Arte. 1994, VI serie – Tomo VI, pp. 5–52. Retrieved 21 November 2011.
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  22. Back to citation Lyon, Eugene (1992). "Navigation and Ships in the Age of Columbus". In McGovern, James R. (ed.). The World of Columbus. Mercer University Press. pp. 90–91. ISBN 978-0-86554-414-7.
  23. Back to citation Phillips & Phillips 1992, p. 93.
  24. Back to citation Vigneras, L. A. (2016). "Columbus in Portugal". In Bedini, Silvio A. (ed.). The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia. Springer. p. 175. ISBN 978-1-349-12573-9. “It is most probable that Columbus visited Bristol, where he was introduced to English commerce with Iceland.”
  25. Back to citation Ureland, P. Sture (2011). "Introduction". In Ureland, P. Sture; Clarkson, Iain (eds.). Language Contact across the North Atlantic: Proceedings of the Working Groups held at the University College, Galway (Ireland), 1992 and the University of Göteborg (Sweden), 1993. Walter de Gruyter. p. 14. ISBN 978-3-11-092965-2.
  26. Back to citation Graves, Charles (1949). Ireland Revisited. Hutchinson. p. 151.
  27. Back to citation Steck, Francis Borgia (January 1947). "Christopher Columbus and the Franciscans". The Americas. 3 (3). Cambridge University Press: 321. doi:10.2307/978571. JSTOR 978571. Retrieved 8 December 2025; Abrams, Mark (13 October 2014). "La Salle Professor Says Columbus Almost Died Years Before His New World Trip". CBS News. Retrieved 8 December 2025; Kolbert, Elizabeth (6 October 2002). "The Lost Mariner". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 4 February 2023. Retrieved 8 December 2025.
  28. Back to citation Enterline, James Robert (2003). Erikson, Eskimos & Columbus: Medieval European Knowledge of America. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 247. ISBN 978-0-8018-7547-2. “Some writers have suggested that it was during this visit to Iceland that Columbus heard of land in the west. Keeping the source of his information secret, they say, he concocted a plan to sail westward. Certainly the knowledge was generally available without attending any saga-telling parties. That this knowledge reached Columbus seems unlikely, however, for later, when trying to get backing for his project, he went to great lengths to unearth even the slightest scraps of information that would add to the plausibility of his scheme. Knowledge of the Norse explorations could have helped.”; Paolucci, Anne; Paolucci, Henry (1992). Columbus, America, and the World. Council on National Literatures. p. 140. ISBN 978-0-918680-33-4. “Many Columbists... have doubted that Columbus could ever have gone to Iceland.”; Kolodny, Annette (2012). In Search of First Contact: The Vikings of Vinland, the Peoples of the Dawnland, and the Anglo-American Anxiety of Discovery. Duke University Press. pp. 226–227. ISBN 978-0-8223-5286-0; Quinn, David B. (1992). "Columbus and the North: England, Iceland, and Ireland". The William and Mary Quarterly. 49 (2): 278–297. doi:10.2307/2947273. ISSN 0043-5597. JSTOR 2947273.
  29. Back to citation Fernández-Armesto, Felipe (1991). Columbus. Oxford University Press. p. xvii. ISBN 978-0-19-215898-7.
  30. Back to citation Freitas, Antonio Maria de; Maney, Regina (1893). The Wife of Columbus: With Genealogical Tree of the Perestrello and Moniz Families. New York: Stettinger, Lambert & Co. p. 32.
  31. Back to citation Alessandrini, Nunziatella (1 January 2012). "Os Perestrello: uma família de Piacenza no Império Português (século XVI)" [The Perestrellos: A Piacenza family in the Portuguese Empire (16th century)] (in Portuguese). Lisbon: Universidade NOVA de Lisboa. p. 90. [Finally, the most famous son of Filippone, Bartolomeu Perestrello (I), who participated in the rediscovery of the island of Madeira in 1418, and was captain and feitor [administrator] of Porto Santo until, by a letter of 1 November 1446 from Infante Henrique, he became the first donatary captain of the island, a privilege that continued until the 19th century, with the last donatary captain Manuel da Câmara Bettencourt Perestrello in 1814.]
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  44. Back to citation In an account of his fourth voyage, Columbus wrote that "Jerusalem and Mount Sion must be rebuilt by Christian hands". Sheehan, Kevin Joseph (2008). Iberian Asia: the strategies of Spanish and Portuguese empire building, 1540–1700 (Thesis). OCLC 892835540. ProQuest 304693901.
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  67. Back to citation Gómez, Nicolás Wey (2008). The Tropics of Empire: Why Columbus Sailed South to the Indies. MIT Press. p. 37. ISBN 978-0-262-23264-7. “It is also known that wind patterns and water currents in the Atlantic were crucial factors for launching an outward passage from the Canaries: Columbus understood that his chance of crossing the ocean was significantly greater just beyond the Canary calms, where he expected to catch the northeastern trade winds—although, as some authors have pointed out, "westing" from the Canaries, instead of dipping farther south, was hardly an optimal sailing choice, since Columbus's fleet was bound to lose, as soon it did, the northeasterlies in the mid-Atlantic.”
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  72. Back to citation Rickey, V. Frederick (1992). "How Columbus Encountered America". Mathematics Magazine. 65 (4): 224. doi:10.2307/2691445. ISSN 0025-570X. JSTOR 2691445.
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  74. Back to citation Pinheiro-Marques, Alfredo (2016). "Diogo Cão". In Bedini, Silvio A. (ed.). The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia. Springer. p. 97. ISBN 978-1-349-12573-9.
  75. Back to citation Symcox, Geoffrey; Sullivan, Blair (2016). Christopher Columbus and the Enterprise of the Indies: A Brief History with Documents. Springer. pp. 11–12. ISBN 978-1-137-08059-2. “in 1488 Columbus returned to Portugal and once again put his project to João II. Again it was rejected. In historical hindsight this looks like a fatally missed opportunity for the Portuguese crown, but the king had good reason not to accept Columbus's project. His panel of experts cast grave doubts on the assumptions behind it, noting that Columbus had underestimated the distance to China. And then in December 1488 Bartolomeu Dias returned from his voyage around the Cape of Good Hope. Certain now that they had found the sea route to India and the east, João II and his advisers had no further interest in what probably seemed to them a hare-brained and risky plan.”
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  83. Back to citation Lantigua, David M. (2020). Infidels and Empires in a New World Order: Early Modern Spanish Contributions to International Legal Thought. Cambridge University Press. p. 53. ISBN 978-1-108-49826-5. “The Capitulaciones de Santa Fe appointed Columbus as the official viceroy of the Crown, which entitled him, by virtue of royal concession, to all the honors and jurisdictions accorded the conquerors of the Canaries. Usage of the terms "to discover" (descubrir) and "to acquire" (ganar) were legal cues indicating the goals of Spanish possession through occupancy and conquest.”
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  91. Back to citation occurrence 91.0 Back to citation occurrence 91.1 Felipe Fernández-Armesto points out that Columbus briefly described South America as an unknown continent after seeing the mainland for the first time. Vespucci seems to have modeled his naming of the "new world" after Columbus's description of this discovery. Further, mapmaker Martin Waldseemüller eventually retracted his naming of the continent after Vespucci, seemingly after it came to light that a claim that Vespucci visited the mainland before Columbus had been falsified. In his new map, Waldseemüller labelled the continent as Terra Incognita ('unknown land'), noting that it had been discovered by Columbus. Fernández-Armesto, Felipe (2007). Amerigo: The Man Who Gave His Name to America (1st ed.). New York: Random House. pp. 143–144, 186–187. ISBN 978-1-4000-6281-2. OCLC 608082366.
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  145. Back to citation The tribute system had all but collapsed by 1497. Deagan, Kathleen A; Cruxent, José María (2008). Columbus's Outpost Among the Taínos: Spain and America at La Isabela, 1493–1498. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. p. 62. ISBN 978-0-300-13389-9.
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  164. Back to citation Bobadilla's 48-page report, derived from the testimonies of 23 people who had seen or heard about the treatment meted out by Columbus and his brothers—had originally been lost for centuries, but was rediscovered in 2005 in the Spanish archives in Valladolid. It contained an account of Columbus's seven-year reign as the first governor of the Indies. Consuelo Varela, a Spanish historian, states: "Even those who loved him [Columbus] had to admit the atrocities that had taken place." Tremlett, Giles (7 August 2006). "Lost document reveals Columbus as tyrant of the Caribbean". The Guardian. Retrieved 16 May 2013.
  165. Back to citation Bergreen 2011, pp. 283.
  166. Back to citation Columbus Controversy. A&E Television Networks. Retrieved 12 August 2013.
  167. Back to citation occurrence 167.0 Back to citation occurrence 167.1 Hale, Edward Everett (2021). The Life of Christopher Columbus. Prabhat Prakashan.
  168. Back to citation Columbus, Christopher (2010). Select Letters of Christopher Columbus: With Other Original Documents, Relating to his Four Voyages to the New World. Richard Henry Major, Diego Alvarez Chanca. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-511-70808-4.
  169. Back to citation Felipe Fernández-Armesto (2010). Columbus on himself. Christopher Columbus. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub. Co. p. 186. ISBN 978-1-60384-317-1. OCLC 794493189. “Bobadilla was prejudiced in advance by what he heard, or what the monarchs relayed, from Columbus detractors. HIs brief was to conduct a judicial inquiry into Columbus's conduct, an unjust proceeding, in the Admiral's submission, since Bobadilla had a vested interest in an outcome that would keep him in power. [...] Motivated by self-interest or excessive zeal, Bobadilla clapped Columbus in irons with his brothers, gathered depositions against them, and shipped them back to Spain.”; "National Association of Scholars – Remembering Columbus: Blinded by Politics by Robert Carle". www.nas.org. Retrieved 18 June 2020; Cervantes, Fernando (2021). Conquistadores: A New History of Spanish Discovery and Conquest. New York: Penguin. pp. 46–47. ISBN 978-1-101-98128-3.
  170. Back to citation Bergreen 2011, p. 276.
  171. Back to citation Gužauskytė, Evelina (2014). Christopher Columbus's Naming in the 'diarios' of the Four Voyages (1492–1504): A Discourse of Negotiation. University of Toronto Press. p. 179. ISBN 978-1-4426-6825-6.
  172. Back to citation Cervantes, Fernando (2021). Conquistadores: a new history of Spanish discovery and conquest. New York: Penguin. ISBN 978-1-101-98126-9.
  173. Back to citation Noble, David Cook. "Nicolás de Ovando" in Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, vol. 4, p. 254. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1996.
  174. Back to citation Leon, Istvan Szaszdi (1 January 2012). "Castilian Justice and Columbian Injustice. The end of the Columbian Government in Hispaniola". Journal on European History of Law. 3 (2): 9.
  175. Back to citation Varela, Consuelo; Aguirre, Isabel (2006). La caída de Cristóbal Colón: el juicio de Bobadilla (in Spanish). Marcial Pons Historia. p. 175. ISBN 978-84-96467-28-6.
  176. Back to citation Some scholars, including Sauer, say the fleet sailed 11 May; Cook says 9 May.
  177. Back to citation occurrence 177.0 Back to citation occurrence 177.1 Sauer, Carl Ortwin (2008). The Early Spanish Main. Cambridge University Press. pp. 121–122. ISBN 978-0-521-08848-0.
  178. Back to citation Cook, Noble David (1998). Born to Die: Disease and New World Conquest, 1492–1650. Cambridge University Press. p. 46. ISBN 978-0-521-62730-6.
  179. Back to citation Bergreen 2011, pp. 288–289, 302–303.
  180. Back to citation Gužauskytė, Evelina (2014). Christopher Columbus's Naming in the 'diarios' of the Four Voyages (1492–1504): A Discourse of Negotiation. University of Toronto Press. p. 185. ISBN 978-1-4426-6825-6.
  181. Back to citation Bedini, Silvio A. (2016). Bedini, Silvio A. (ed.). The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia. Springer. p. 200. ISBN 978-1-349-12573-9.
  182. Back to citation Armas, Antonio Rumeu de (1985). Nueva luz sobre las capitulaciones de Santa Fe de 1492 concertadas entre los Reyes Católicos y Cristóbal Colón: estudio institucional y diplomático (in Spanish). Editorial CSIC – CSIC Press. p. 201. ISBN 978-84-00-05961-3.
  183. Back to citation Colindres, Enrique Ortez (1975). Integración Política de Centroamérica (in Spanish). Editorial Universitaria Centroamericana. p. 20. “El 14 de agosto de 1502 Cristóbal Colón descubrió Punta Caxinas, hoy Punta Castilla o Cabo de Honduras.”
  184. Back to citation Calvo, Alfredo Castillero (2004). Historia general de Panamá: Tomo 1. Las sociedades originarias; El orden colonial. Tomo 2. El orden colonial (in Spanish). Comité Nacional del Centenario de la República. p. 86. ISBN 978-9962-02-581-8.
  185. Back to citation Bedini, Silvio A. (2016). Bedini, Silvio A. (ed.). The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia. Springer. pp. 720, 724. ISBN 978-1-349-12573-9.
  186. Back to citation Stirling, Matthew Williams; Stirling, Marion (1964). Archeological Notes on Almirante Bay, Bocas Del Toro, Panama. U.S. Government Printing Office.
  187. Back to citation Bergreen 2011, p. 330.
  188. Back to citation Bergreen 2011, p. 330–332.
  189. Back to citation Méndez, Diego (2020). "VIII: Shipwrecked by Worms, Saved by Canoe: The Last Voyage of Columbus". In Roorda, Paul (ed.). The Ocean Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Duke University Press. p. 300. doi:10.1515/9781478007456-065. ISBN 978-1-4780-0745-6. S2CID 241132438.
  190. Back to citation occurrence 190.0 Back to citation occurrence 190.1 Vigneras, Louis André (1 November 1978). "Diego Méndez, Secretary of Christopher Columbus and Alguacil Mayor of Santo Domingo: A Biographical Sketch". Hispanic American Historical Review. 58 (4): 680. doi:10.1215/00182168-58.4.676. ISSN 0018-2168. Retrieved 26 January 2022.
  191. Back to citation Hakim, Joy (2002). The First Americans. Oxford University Press. p. 85. ISBN 978-0-19-515319-4; Clayton J., Drees, The Late Medieval Age of Crisis and Renewal: 1300–1500 a Biographical Dictionary, 2001, p. 511; Kadir, Djelal (1992). "IV: Charting the Conquest". Columbus and the Ends of the Earth: Europe's Prophetic Rhetoric as Conquering Ideology. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 67.
  192. Back to citation Rivera, Luis N; Pagán, Luis Rivera (1992). A Violent Evangelism: The Political and Religious Conquest of the Americas. Westminster John Knox Press. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-664-25367-7.
  193. Back to citation Watts, Pauline Moffitt (1985). "Prophecy and Discovery: On the Spiritual Origins of Christopher Columbus's "Enterprise of the Indies"". The American Historical Review. 90 (1): 92. doi:10.2307/1860749. ISSN 0002-8762. JSTOR 1860749.
  194. Back to citation González Sánchez, Carlos Alberto (2006). "Capitulations of Santa Fe". In Kaufman, Will; Francis, John Michael (eds.). Iberia and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History: a Multidisciplinary Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. pp. 175–176. ISBN 978-1-85109-421-9.
  195. Back to citation occurrence 195.0 Back to citation occurrence 195.1 "Christopher Columbus Suffered From a Fatal Form of Arthritis" (Press release). University of Maryland School of Medicine. 6 May 2005. Archived from the original on 23 January 2018.
  196. Back to citation Hoenig, Leonard J. (1 February 1992). "The Arthritis of Christopher Columbus". Archives of Internal Medicine. 152 (2): 274–277. doi:10.1001/archinte.1992.00400140028008. PMID 1472175.
  197. Back to citation Arnett, F; Merrill, C; Albardaner, Francesc; Mackowiak, P. (September 2006). "A Mariner with Crippling Arthritis and Bleeding Eyes". The American Journal of the Medical Sciences. 332 (3): 125. doi:10.1097/00000441-200609000-00005. PMID 16969141. S2CID 6358022.
  198. Back to citation Cuartero y Huerta 1988, p. 74.
  199. Back to citation Kadir, Djelal (1992). "Chapter VII Making Ends Meet: The Dire Unction of Prophecy". Columbus and the Ends of the Earth: Europe's Prophetic Rhetoric as Conquering Ideology. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. pp. 193–194.
  200. Back to citation Cuartero y Huerta, Baltasar (1988). "Los Colón en la Cartuja" (PDF). Boletín de la Real Academia Sevillana de Buenas Letras: Minervae Baeticae. 16: 74. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  201. Back to citation Dyson 1991, p. 194.
  202. Back to citation occurrence 202.0 Back to citation occurrence 202.1 Dyson 1991, p. 196.
  203. Back to citation Nash, Elizabeth (2005). Seville, Cordoba, and Granada: A Cultural History. Oxford University Press. p. 73. ISBN 978-0-19-518204-0.
  204. Back to citation occurrence 204.0 Back to citation occurrence 204.1 "'Columbus bones' for DNA tests". The Guardian. 3 June 2003. Archived from the original on 27 August 2013. Retrieved 20 March 2022.
  205. Back to citation Olaya, Vicente G. (24 May 2021). "Study of Christopher Columbus' DNA set to reveal his true origins". El País. Retrieved 3 February 2022.
  206. Back to citation Captain George Farquar of Lord Stanley brought the news to Liverpool in 1796 that while he had been at Havana, the Spanish ship of the line San Lorenzo had arrived there carrying the "coffin, bones and fetters of Christopher Columbus" from San Domingo to be re-interred at Havana with "the highest military honours."
  207. Back to citation occurrence 207.0 Back to citation occurrence 207.1 "DNA verifies Columbus' remains in Spain". MSNBC. Associated Press. 20 May 2006. Archived from the original on 31 October 2013. Retrieved 15 August 2020.
  208. Back to citation Tremlett, Giles (11 August 2004). "Young bones lay Columbus myth to rest". The Guardian. Retrieved 26 October 2014.
  209. Back to citation Álvarez-Cubero, M. J; Martinez-Gonzalez, L. J; Saiz, M; Álvarez, J. C; Lorente, J. A. (June 2010). "Nuevas aplicaciones en identificación genética" [New applications in genetic identification]. Cuadernos de Medicina Forense (in Spanish). 16 (1–2). doi:10.4321/S1135-76062010000100002.
  210. Back to citation DNA from Columbus's presumed remains in Seville were to be used to conduct further ancestral studies, with results initially expected in 2021. "Countdown begins to discover where Columbus came from". AP News. 19 May 2021. Archived from the original on 19 May 2021. Retrieved 21 May 2021.
  211. Back to citation Bergreen 2011, pp. 363–364.
  212. Back to citation This same year, dust collected from these remains was placed in a locket, which was placed inside the stern of a silver model caravel. Two tiny portions of dust from the same source were placed in separate vials. Thacher, John Boyd (1904). Christopher Columbus: his life, his works, his remains: as revealed by original printed and manuscript records, together with an essay on Peter Martyr of Anghera and Bartolomé de las Casas, the first historians of America. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. pp. 570–73.
  213. Back to citation "Columbus Buried In San Domingo?". Evening Star. 17 July 1913. p. 11. Archived from the original on 2 January 2020. Retrieved 15 August 2020 – via Newspapers.com.
  214. Back to citation Osborne erroneously cited the bullet as evidence that the remains belonged to Columbus. "Columbus Buried In San Domingo?". Evening Star. 17 July 1913. p. 11. Archived from the original on 2 January 2020. Retrieved 15 August 2020 – via Newspapers.com. Bergreen 2011, pp. 363–364. (England's Francis Drake, a subsequent infamous explorer, took the ball of an arquebus in the Indies.) Bergreen, Laurence (2021). In Search of a Kingdom. Boston: Mariner Books. p. 188. ISBN 978-0-06-287535-8.
  215. Back to citation "DNA verifies Columbus' remains in Spain". MSNBC. Associated Press. 20 May 2006. Archived from the original on 31 October 2013. Retrieved 15 August 2020; Álvarez-Cubero, M. J; Martinez-Gonzalez, L. J; Saiz, M; Álvarez, J. C; Lorente, J. A. (June 2010). "Nuevas aplicaciones en identificación genética" [New applications in genetic identification]. Cuadernos de Medicina Forense (in Spanish). 16 (1–2). doi:10.4321/S1135-76062010000100002; In his 2008 book, author Tony Horwitz recounts his attempt to see these remains, which are apparently briefly displayed in their crypt (behind a sheet of glass) once a year on Columbus Day. Horwitz 2008, pp. 89–90, 92.
  216. Back to citation West, Delno (April 1992). "Christopher Columbus and His Enterprise to the Indies: Scholarship of the Last Quarter Century". The William and Mary Quarterly. 49 (2): 254–277. doi:10.2307/2947272. ISSN 0043-5597. JSTOR 2947272. “Christopher Columbus did not discover a new world, nor did he ever set foot on the North American continent. Rather, he established continuous contact between two continents, each with major populations. But he became a national hero for the United States, and, as such, he has frequently been placed on the same level with George Washington and Abraham Lincoln by Americans who prefer mythology to facts. Early in our history, he became a unifying symbol to the struggling English colonies when Puritan preachers began to use his life as an exemplum of the developing American spirit. On the eve of the American Revolution, poems, songs, sermons, and polemic essays in which Columbus was idealized as the discoverer of a new land for a new people flowed from New England. Such veneration culminated in a movement to name the nation "Columbia."”
  217. Back to citation Bercovitch, Sacvan (2014). The Rites of Assent: Transformations in the Symbolic Construction of America. Routledge. p. 68. ISBN 978-1-317-79619-0. “Thinking back in spring 1692 to "the antiquities of New England," Cotton Mather came upon a crucial connection, as he saw it, between the voyage of Columbus two centuries before and the Puritans' Great Migration. Considered together, the founding of the Massachusetts Bay Colony and the landing at San Salvador held the key to a great design. To begin with, Columbus's voyage was one of three shaping events of the modern age, all of which occurred in rapid succession at the turn of the sixteenth century: (1) "the Resurrection of Literature",... (2) the discovery of America,... and (3) the Protestant Reformation.”
  218. Back to citation Bushman, Claudia L. (1992). America Discovers Columbus: How an Italian Explorer Became an American Hero. University Press of New England. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-87451-576-3; Bartosik-Vélez, Elise (2014). "The Incorporation of Columbus into the Story of Western Empire". The Legacy of Christopher Columbus in the Americas. New Nations and a Transatlantic Discourse of Empire (PDF). Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-8265-1953-5; Burmila, Edward (9 October 2017). "The Invention of Christopher Columbus, American Hero". The Nation.
  219. Back to citation Dewey, Donald (2007). The Art of Ill Will: The Story of American Political Cartoons. NYU Press. pp. 12–13. ISBN 978-0-8147-1985-5.
  220. Back to citation Stanford, Jack A; Hauer, F. Richard; Gregory, Stanley V; Snyder, Eric B. (2011). "Columbia River Basin". In Benke, Arthur C; Cushing, Colbert E. (eds.). Rivers of North America. Elsevier. p. 501. ISBN 978-0-08-045418-4.
  221. Back to citation Zeuske, Michael; Otálvaro, Andrés (2017). "La construcción de Colombeia: Francisco de Miranda y su paso por el Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico, 1785–1789". Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura. 44: 177. doi:10.15446/achsc.v44n1.61224. ISSN 0120-2456.
  222. Back to citation "Bird's-Eye View of the World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893". World Digital Library. 1893. Retrieved 17 July 2013.
  223. Back to citation Bolotin, Norm; Laing, Christine (2002). The World's Columbian Exposition: The Chicago World's Fair of 1893. University of Illinois Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-252-07081-5.
  224. Back to citation Handler, Richard (June 2016). "Mining the time-space matrix: Commemorative postage stamps and US world's fairs, 1893–1915". HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory. 6 (1): 296–300. doi:10.14318/hau6.1.017. S2CID 159668550.
  225. Back to citation West, Chris (2014). A History of America in Thirty-six Postage Stamps. Macmillan. p. 89. ISBN 978-1-250-04368-9.
  226. Back to citation Marcilhacy 2011, pp. 135–138.
  227. Back to citation Marcilhacy, David (2011). "Las fiestas del 12 de octubre y las conmemoraciones americanistas bajo la restauración borbónica: España frente a su pasado colonial" (PDF). Jerónimo Zurita (in Spanish). 86: 135–138. ISSN 0044-5517. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  228. Back to citation See: Columbus Monument, Barcelona (1888), Monument to the Discoverers (1892), Monument to Columbus (Madrid) (1892), Monument to Isabella the Catholic (Granada) (1892), Monument to Columbus (Salamanca) (1893), Monument to Columbus (Valladolid) (inaugurated in 1905, but whose inception dates to an earlier date and a tentative location in Spanish Havana).
  229. Back to citation "Columbian Exposition Souvenir Sheets", Arago: people, postage & the post, National Postal Museum online, viewed 18 April 2014.
  230. Back to citation Bedini, Silvio A. (2016). Bedini, Silvio A. (ed.). The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia. Springer. p. 489. ISBN 978-1-349-12573-9.
  231. Back to citation "Columbus Day". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 5 July 2022.
  232. Back to citation Bello, Manuel; Shaver, Annis N. (2011). "Representation of Columbus in History Textbooks". In Provenzo, Eugene F. Jr; Shaver, Annis N; Bello, Manuel (eds.). The Textbook as Discourse: Sociocultural Dimensions of American Schoolbooks. Routledge. p. 152. ISBN 978-1-136-86063-8.
  233. Back to citation Boivin, Nicole; Fuller, Dorian Q; Crowther, Alison (September 2012). "Old World globalization and the Columbian exchange: comparison and contrast". World Archaeology. 44 (3): 452–469. doi:10.1080/00438243.2012.729404. JSTOR 42003541. S2CID 3285807.
  234. Back to citation McFarlane, Anthony (2004). "Pre-Columbian and colonial Latin America". In King, John (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Modern Latin American Culture. Cambridge University Press. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-521-63651-3.
  235. Back to citation Nunn, Nathan; Qian, Nancy (Spring 2010), "The Columbian Exchange: A History of Disease, Food, and Ideas" (PDF), Journal of Economic Perspectives, 24 (2): 163–188, doi:10.1257/jep.24.2.163
  236. Back to citation Wilford, John Noble (1991). "Columbus and the Labyrinth of History" (PDF). The Wilson Quarterly. 15 (4): 79–80. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  237. Back to citation Bartosik-Vélez, Elise (2014). "The Incorporation of Columbus into the Story of Western Empire". The Legacy of Christopher Columbus in the Americas. New Nations and a Transatlantic Discourse of Empire (PDF). Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-8265-1953-5.
  238. Back to citation occurrence 238.0 Back to citation occurrence 238.1 Paul, Heike (2014). "Christopher Columbus and the Myth of Discovery'". The Myths That Made America (PDF). transcript Verlag. pp. 53, 59. ISBN 978-3-8394-1485-9. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  239. Back to citation Paul 2014, pp. 58, 60.
  240. Back to citation Fryd, Vivienne (2001). Art and Empire: The Politics of Ethnicity in the United States Capitol, 1815–1860. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press. pp. 37, 89, 91, 94, 99–100, 105.
  241. Back to citation "Persico's Columbus". The United States Magazine and Democratic Review. 15: 95–97. November 1844 – via Google Books.
  242. Back to citation Out West. University of Nebraska Press. 2000. p. 96.
  243. Back to citation Congressional Globe, 28 April 1836, p. 1316.
  244. Back to citation Paul 2014, pp. 63–64.
  245. Back to citation Dennis, Matthew (2018). Red, White, and Blue Letter Days: An American Calendar. Cornell University Press. pp. 119–120. ISBN 978-1-5017-2370-4.
  246. Back to citation Wilford 1991, p. 80.
  247. Back to citation Connell, William J. (2013). "Who's Afraid of Columbus?". Italian Americana. 31 (2): 136–147. JSTOR 41933001.
  248. Back to citation Armitage, David (1992). "Christopher Columbus" (PDF). History Today. 42 (5): 55. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  249. Back to citation Axtell, James (1992). "Moral Reflections on the Columbian Legacy". The History Teacher. 25 (4): 407–425. doi:10.2307/494350. ISSN 0018-2745. JSTOR 494350. “... Alfred Crosby, a scholar with the mind of a scientist and the heart of a humanist. He writes that "the major initial effect of the Columbian voyages was the transformation of America into a charnel house." The cataclysmic loss of native life, largely to imported diseases, "was surely the greatest tragedy in the history of the human species.”
  250. Back to citation Houbert, Jean (2003). "Creolisation and Decolonisation". In Jayasuriya, Shihan de S; Pankhurst, Richard (eds.). The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean. Africa World Press. p. 176. ISBN 978-0-86543-980-1.
  251. Back to citation Phillips, William D. (2000). Testimonies from the Columbian Lawsuits. Brepols. p. 25. ISBN 978-2-503-51028-6. “When we speak today of the "legacy" of Christopher Columbus, we usually refer to the broadly historic consequences of his famous voyages, meaning the subsequent European conquest and colonization of the Americas.”
  252. Back to citation Nedkvitne, Arnved (2018). Norse Greenland: Viking Peasants in the Arctic. Routledge. p. 13. ISBN 978-1-351-25958-3.
  253. Back to citation occurrence 253.0 Back to citation occurrence 253.1 Little, Becky (11 October 2015). "Why Do We Celebrate Columbus Day and Not Leif Erikson Day?". National Geographic. Archived from the original on 7 August 2019. Retrieved 12 October 2015.
  254. Back to citation "History – Leif Erikson (11th century)". BBC. Retrieved 12 October 2015.
  255. Back to citation "Rafn, Carl Christian, 1795–1864". Wisconsin Historical Society. Archived from the original on 26 February 2014. Retrieved 22 March 2022.
  256. Back to citation Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "De Costa, Benjamin Franklin". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 7 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 915.
  257. Back to citation occurrence 257.0 Back to citation occurrence 257.1 Kolodny, Annette (2012). In Search of First Contact: The Vikings of Vinland, the Peoples of the Dawnland, and the Anglo-American Anxiety of Discovery. Duke University Press. pp. 226–227. ISBN 978-0-8223-5286-0.
  258. Back to citation Enterline, James Robert (2003). Erikson, Eskimos & Columbus: Medieval European Knowledge of America. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 247. ISBN 978-0-8018-7547-2. “Some writers have suggested that it was during this visit to Iceland that Columbus heard of land in the west. Keeping the source of his information secret, they say, he concocted a plan to sail westward. Certainly the knowledge was generally available without attending any saga-telling parties. That this knowledge reached Columbus seems unlikely, however, for later, when trying to get backing for his project, he went to great lengths to unearth even the slightest scraps of information that would add to the plausibility of his scheme. Knowledge of the Norse explorations could have helped.”; Paolucci, Anne; Paolucci, Henry (1992). Columbus, America, and the World. Council on National Literatures. p. 140. ISBN 978-0-918680-33-4. “Many Columbists... have doubted that Columbus could ever have gone to Iceland.”; Kolodny, Annette (2012). In Search of First Contact: The Vikings of Vinland, the Peoples of the Dawnland, and the Anglo-American Anxiety of Discovery. Duke University Press. pp. 226–227. ISBN 978-0-8223-5286-0; Quinn, David B. (1992). "Columbus and the North: England, Iceland, and Ireland". The William and Mary Quarterly. 49 (2): 278–297. doi:10.2307/2947273. ISSN 0043-5597. JSTOR 2947273; Restall, Matthew (2021). Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest: Updated Edition. Oxford University Press. p. 4. ISBN 978-0-19-753729-9.
  259. Back to citation Berkhofer, Robert F. (1979). The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian, from Columbus to the Present. Vintage Books. p. 34. ISBN 978-0-394-72794-3.
  260. Back to citation Coronil, Fernando (1989). "Discovering America Again: The Politics of Selfhood in the Age of Post-Colonial Empires". Dispositio. 14 (36/38). Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor: 315–331. ISSN 0734-0591. JSTOR 41491365. “When referring to the conquest, Venezuelans tend to side with the original "Indians" inhabiting the territory, even though "we" are generally careful to distinguish ourselves from them, and above all from their contemporary descendants. This tactical identification suggests that the force of this rejoinder comes not just from the hold of the familiar—Columbus already discovered America, so what's new—but from the appeal of a more exclusive familiarity evoked by a shift of location — he only "discovered" it for Europe, not for "us". It is as if we viewed Columbus's arrival from two perspectives, his own, and that of the natives. When we want to privilege "our" special viewpoint, we claim as ours the standpoint of the original Americans, the view not from the foreign ship but from our "native" land.”
  261. Back to citation Nuccetelli, Susana (31 October 2020). "Setting the Scene: The Iberian Conquest". An Introduction to Latin American Philosophy. pp. 16–17. doi:10.1017/9781107705562.002. ISBN 978-1-107-70556-2. S2CID 234937836.
  262. Back to citation Lazo, Rodrigo (1 December 2013). "The Invention of America Again: On the Impossibility of an Archive". American Literary History. 25 (4): 755. doi:10.1093/alh/ajt049.
  263. Back to citation Fernández-Shaw, Félix (May 1992). "Five hundred years from now | From Discovery to Encounter". The UNESCO Courier. 45 (5, Rediscovering 1492). UNESCO Digital Library: 45. Retrieved 8 February 2022. “The encounter between two worlds is a fact that cannot be denied... The word discovery gives prominence to the heroes of the enterprise; the word encounter gives more emphasis to the peoples who actually "encountered" each other and gave substance to a New World. Whereas discovery marks a happening, an event, encounter conveys better the idea of the political journey that has brought us to the reality of today, spanning the five hundred years since 1492... These historical and political milestones are valuable because they relate the present to both the past and the future. It was inevitable that history written from a Eurocentric standpoint should speak in terms of discovery and it is equally inevitable that, as history has now come to be seen in universal terms, we should have adopted so evocative a term as encounter.”
  264. Back to citation McIlwraith, Thomas F; Muller, Edward K. (2001). North America: The Historical Geography of a Changing Continent. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-7425-0019-8.
  265. Back to citation Burmila, Edward (9 October 2017). "The Invention of Christopher Columbus, American Hero". The Nation.
  266. Back to citation Sale, Kirkpatrick (1991) [1990]. The Conquest of Paradise: Christopher Columbus and the Columbian Legacy. New York: Plume. pp. 204–209. ISBN 0-452-26669-6.
  267. Back to citation Boller, Paul F. (1995). Not So!: Popular Myths about America from Columbus to Clinton. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-509186-1.
  268. Back to citation Hannam, James (18 May 2010). "Science Versus Christianity?". Patheos.com. Retrieved 5 September 2020.
  269. Back to citation Bergreen 2011, p. 244.
  270. Back to citation Russell, Jeffrey Burton (1991). Inventing the Flat Earth: Columbus and modern historians. New York: Praeger. ISBN 978-0-275-95904-3.
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  279. Back to citation Morison 1991, p. 417; Cuneo wrote, While I was in the boat, I captured a very beautiful Carib woman, whom the said Lord Admiral gave to me. When I had taken her to my cabin she was naked—as was their custom. I was filled with a desire to take my pleasure with her and attempted to satisfy my desire. She was unwilling, and so treated me with her nails that I wished I had never begun. But—to cut a long story short—I then took a piece of rope and whipped her soundly, and she let forth such incredible screams that you would not have believed your ears. Eventually we came to such terms, I assure you, that you would have thought that she had been brought up in a school for whores. Cohen, J.M. (1969). The Four Voyages of Christopher Columbus. NY: Penguin. p. 139. ISBN 978-0-14-044217-5; Author Tony Horwitz notes that this is the first recorded instance of sexuality between a European and Native American. Horwitz 2008, p. 69.
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