Gabriel García Moreno
| Servant of God Gabriel García Moreno | |
|---|---|
| 7th President of Ecuador | |
| In office 10 August 1869 – 6 August 1875 | |
| Vice President | Francisco Javier León (1869–1875) |
| Preceded by | Manuel de Ascásubi |
| Succeeded by | Francisco Javier León |
| In office 2 April 1861 – 30 August 1865 | |
| Vice President | Mariano Cueva Antonio Borrero Rafael Carvajal |
| Preceded by | Himself (as Interim President) |
| Succeeded by | Rafael Carvajal |
| Interim President of Ecuador | |
| In office 19 January 1869 – 19 May 1869 | |
| Preceded by | Juan Javier Espinosa |
| Succeeded by | Manuel de Ascásubi |
| In office 17 January 1861 – 2 April 1861 | |
| Preceded by | Francisco Robles |
| Succeeded by | Himself (as President) |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 24 December 1821 Guayaquil, Ecuador |
| Died | 6 August 1875 (aged 53) Quito, Ecuador |
| Party | Conservative Party |
| Spouse(s) | Rosa de Ascásubi Mariana del Alcázar |
Gabriel Gregorio Fernando José María García Moreno y Morán de Butrón (24 December 1821 – 6 August 1875), was an Ecuadorian politician and aristocrat who twice served as President of Ecuador (1861–65 and 1869–75) and was assassinated during his second term after being elected to a third.[1]
He has been described as a dictator and caudillo.[2][3] García Moreno was a conservative and centralist who supported state building and strong executive power. He was involved in the Battle of Cuaspud (6 December 1863) alongside General Juan José Flores, where an unexpected Ecuadoran defeat ended their project of military and political consolidation, drastically reducing Ecuador’s army and weakening their centralization efforts.[4]
He is noted for his conservatism, nationalism, Catholic religious perspective and rivalry with liberal strongman Eloy Alfaro.
Early life
Gabriel Garcia Moreno was born in 1821, the son of Gabriel García-Yangüas y Gómez de Tama, a Spanish nobleman, and María de las Mercedes Moreno y Morán de Butrón, a member of a wealthy aristocratic criollo family, descended from the first Conquerors and Spanish nobility arrived to South America, in Ecuador's main port, Guayaquil. Garcia y Gomez de Tama, his father, initially had invested in the shipping industry of the Viceroyalty of Peru (then a Spanish colony encompassing what is now Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia) who moved to the New World in order to see his investment yield results. He died, however, when Garcia Moreno was a boy, leaving his upbringing to his devoutly Catholic Christian mother. He was tutored by a priest, Jose Betancourt.[5]
This rearing instilled in the young Garcia Moreno a devout sense of Christian piety which would influence his later political activity as well as his private life. At the age of 15, Garcia Moreno began to study theology and law in the University of Quito.[5] Thinking he had a vocation to the priesthood, he received minor orders and the tonsure; but his closest friends and his own interests convinced him to pursue a secular career. Graduating in 1844,[5] he was admitted to the bar. Starting his career as both lawyer and journalist (opposed to the Liberal government in power) he made little headway. In 1849, he embarked on a two-year visit to Europe to see first hand the effects of the 1848 revolution.
He returned home to find his country in the grip of strident anti-clericals; he was elected a senator and joined the opposition. Although himself a monarchist (like the first President Juan José Flores) who tried to establish a "United Kingdom of the Andes" with the French Emperor's backing,[6] he bowed to circumstances and allowed himself to be made president after a civil war the year after his return---so great had his stint as a senator made his reputation.
President of Ecuador
In 1859, he was chosen by the conservative junta to be president, amid civil war.[2]
First term (1861–1865)
In 1861, his presidential position was confirmed in a popular election for a four-year term. His successor was deposed by the Liberals in 1867. But two years later he was reelected, and then again in 1875. During his period in office, he propelled his nation forward, all the while uniting him more closely to Christianity.
His administration stabilized the government finances.[5] His administration modernized the Ecuador military.[5]
García Moreno came to the presidency of a country with an empty treasury and an enormous debt. To overcome this, he placed the government on stringent economy and abolished many positions, as well as cutting out the corruption which siphoned off tax money. As a result, he was able to provide Ecuadoreans with more for less. This improved the financial status of the country and attracted foreign investment.[7]: 326
These public works projects were accomplished in part through the use of revenues obtained from the trabajo subsidario tax, a tax initially created to aid the funding of local works projects. The trabajo subsidario tax in many ways mirrored the colonial mita labor requirements demanded of Indians by Spaniards. The voluntary contributions law and trabajo subsidario tax, revived in 1854, required that every citizen contribute four days of unpaid work to the State yearly or its monetary equivalent to promote the nation's public works projects.[8] Like its mita precursor, the trabajo subsidario obligation fell most heavily on Ecuador's indigenous populations since these groups were unable to pay to avoid labor. Estate-bound peons were able to find protection from these laws through the help of hacendado or essential paternal landlords. In 1862, in a somewhat contentious move, García Moreno demanded control of these revenues of this tax in order to direct funds towards his ambitions for major infrastructural reform.[9]: 84–85 This created a great deal of local discontent, as this meant diverting funds from more locally based public works projects. Using these funds, García Moreno began his famous highway system project, contracting workers from the trabajo subsidario requirement to build these roads.
Although the ultimate results of the project are often praised, García Moreno has been criticized for his use of forced labor to build these highways and the overall discriminatory and abusive treatment of indigenous workers during the process of construction. In his chronicle, Four years among the Ecuadorians, Friedrich Hassaurek describes witnessing the building of the road from Quito to Guayaquil. He describes the "lamentable sight" of Indians laboring to build the roads without sufficient tools. Hassurek writes, "[The Indian] does not work voluntarily, not even when paid for his labor, but is pressed into the service of the government for a length of time, at the expiration of which he is discharged and another forced into his place. He works unwillingly, is kept to his task by the whip of the overseer. It is evident that but little progress could be made under these circumstances."[10] Along with a variety of notable public works programs, García Moreno reformed the universities, established two polytechnic and agricultural colleges and a military school, and increased the number of primary schools from 200 to 500. The number of primary students grew from 8000 to 32,000.
He resigned from office in 1865.[2]
Second term (1869–1875)
He lived at the first Hacienda of Ecuador, the Hacienda Guachalá, leased from 1868 until near his death. García Moreno founded the Conservative Party in 1869.
His administration made education compulsory and free in 1871.[5] The administration built new schools and hospitals, as well as expanded the road system in Ecuador.[5]
Personally pious (he attended mass daily, as well as visiting the Blessed Sacrament; he received Holy Communion every Sunday—a rare practice before Pope Pius X—and was active in a sodality), he made it one of the first duties of his government to promote and support Christianity. Christianity was the official religion of Ecuador, but by the terms of a new Concordat, the State's power over appointment of bishops inherited from Spain was eliminated at García Moreno's insistence. The 1869 constitution made Christianity the religion of the State and required that both candidates and voters be Catholic Christian. He was the only ruler in the world to protest the Pope's loss of the Papal States, and two years later had the legislature consecrate Ecuador to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. One of his biographers writes that after this public consecration, he was marked for death by German freemasons.[11]
García Moreno generated some animosity with his friendship toward the Society of Jesus (Jesuits). During a period of exile, he helped some displaced Jesuits from Germany find refuge in Ecuador. He had also advocated legislation that would outlaw secret societies.[9]: 28
García Moreno was assassinated while in office by Faustino Rayo, who attacked him using a machete. Other perpetrators deployed firearms in the fatal ambush. Rayo was a former captain who had served under García Moreno.[12]
Political climate and assassination
Liberals typically disapproved of García Moreno due to the authoritarian and ultraconservative nature of his rule and his utilization of secret police to silence leftist dissent. Some radicals viewed him as a dictator, and the liberals also were enraged that his policies remained after 1865 when his political allies were elected, and followed by his winning the presidency again in 1869. This opposition from the left compelled Juan Montalvo to write the pamphlet La dictadura perpetua (The Perpetual Dictatorship), which inspired the movement to assassinate Garcia Moreno. García Moreno, following his third election victory in 1875, wrote immediately to Pope Pius IX asking for his blessing before inauguration day on 30 August:
I wish to obtain your blessing before that day, so that I may have the strength and light which I need so much in order to be unto the end a faithful son of our Redeemer, and a loyal and obedient servant of His Infallible Vicar. Now that the Masonic Lodges of the neighboring countries, instigated by Germany, are vomiting against me all sorts of atrocious insults and horrible calumnies, now that the Lodges are secretly arranging for my assassination, I have more need than ever of the divine protection so that I may live and die in defense of our holy religion and the beloved republic which I am called once more to rule.
On 5 August, shortly before his assassination, a priest visited García Moreno and warned him, "You have been warned that your death was decreed by the Freemasons; but you have not been told when. I have just heard that the assassins are going to try and carry out their plot at once. For God's sake, take your measures accordingly!"[13]: 297 García Moreno reportedly replied that he had already received similar warnings and after calm reflection concluded that the only measure he could take was to prepare himself to appear before God.[13]: 297–298
On 6 August 1875, García Moreno was assassinated on the steps of the National Palace in Quito,[14] struck down with knives and revolvers, later re-tellings of the event by his admirers attributing to him the following last words: "¡Dios no muere!" ("God does not die!"). Faustino Rayo assaulted him with several blows of a machete, while three or four others fired their revolvers.[1][14]
Legacy
Pope Leo XIII wrote that García Moreno "fell under the steel of the wicked for the Church."[15]
On 20 December 1939, the beatification process was begun for Garcia Moreno by Carlos María de la Torre, Archbishop of Quito, after previous examinations of the question of García Moreno's martyrdom. In 1958, a prayer for the canonization of García Moreno was issued as an indulgence. However, García Moreno's process stalled soon after the Second Vatican Council.[16][15] In 1974, Cardinal Pablo Vega replied to Hamish Fraser about the state of García Moreno's process, telling him that, "Unfortunately, there is neither the religious nor political environment."[16]: 335
Works
Gabriela Garcia Moreno - own works
- Escritos y Discursos de Gabriel García Moreno (2 volumes), 1887–1888, Sociedad de la Juventud Católica de Quito,
- Cartas de Gabriel García Moreno (4 volumes), 1953–1955, Wilfrido Loor Moreira,
Non-fiction
- El mártir del Ecuador, 1875, Víctor Rosselló
- Colección de algunos escritos relativos a la memoria del excelentísimo Señor Doctor D. Gabriel García Moreno, 1876, Eloy Proaño y Vega
- García Moreno Président de L'Équateur Vengeur et Martyr du Droit Chrétien, 1887, Augusto Berthe,
- Vida del Excmo. señor D. Gabriel García Moreno, restaurador y mártir de la tesis católica en el Ecuador, 1889, Ángel Zarzuelo de Cancio
- Apuntes biograficos del gran magistrado ecuatoriano Gabriel Garcia Moreno, 1892 Pablo Herrera
- Garcia Moreno, président de la République de l'Equateur, 1893, Désiré Leroux
- Vie illustrée de Garcia Moreno, 1898, Charles d' Hallencourt
- García Moreno, 1904, Juan León Mera,
- Gabriel García Moreno: regenerator of Ecuador, 1914, Mary Monica Maxwell-Scott,
- Un gran americano García Moreno, 1921, José Legohuir Raud,
- Gabriel García Moreno y El Ecuador de su Tiempo, 1941, Richard Pattee,
- García Moreno's Dream of a European Protectorate, 1942, William Spence Robertson,
- Vida de Don Gabriel García Moreno, 1942, Manuel Gálvez,
- Orígenes del Ecuador de Hoy, García Moreno, 1948, Luis Robalino Dávila,
- Vida de García Moreno (13 volumes), 1954–1981, Severo Gomezjurado,
- En defensa de la verdad: entrevista al hijo de Faustino Lemos Rayo, 1958, César Pérez Moscoso
- García Moreno, el Santo del patíbulo, 1959, Benjamín Carrión,
- El campeón de los errores: refutación al libro de Benjamín Carrión, 1960, César Pérez Moscoso
- García Moreno y sus asesinos, 1966, Wilfrido Loor Moreira,
- Por un García Moreno de cuerpo entero, 1978, Gabriel Cevallos García,
- García Moreno, 1984, Manuel M. Freire Heredia,
- Encuentro con la historia, García Moreno, líder católico de Latinoamérica, 2005, Francisco Salazar Alvarado,
- Gabriel García Moreno and Conservative State Formation in the Andes, 2008, Peter Henderson,
- "Dios no muere!" the life of Gabriel García Moreno, 2009, Maxwell-Scott,
- García Moreno, 2014, Hernán Rodríguez Castelo,
- García Moreno su proyecto político y su muerte, 2016, Enrique Ayala Mora,
Poems
- El héroe mártir, canto a la memoria de García Moreno, 1876, Juan León Mera,
- Año jubilar del primer centenario del nacimiento del excelentísimo señor doctor Gabriel García Moreno (colección literaria), 1921,
Novels
- Sé que vienen a matarme, 2001, Alicia Yánez Cossío,
- Expiación, 2012, Juan Ortiz García
Filmography
- Sé que vienen a matarme, 2007, Film director - Carl West, Gabriel García Moreno - Jaime Bonelli
See also
- President of Ecuador
- List of presidents of Ecuador
- History of Ecuador
- Conservative Party (Ecuador)
- Miguel Febres Cordero
From the 1913 Catholic Encyclopedia
Gabriel García Moreno — Ecuadorean patriot and statesman; b. at Guayaquil, 24 December, 1821; assassinated at Quito, 6 August, 1875. His father, Gabriel García Gomez, a native of Villaverde, in Old Castile, had been engaged in commerce at Callao before removing to Guayaquil, where he married Dona Mercedes Moreno, the mother of the future Ecuadorean martyr president. Gabriel García Gomez died while his son was still young, and the boy's education was left to the care of his mother, who appears to have been a woman of unusual ability for her task; she was, moreover, fortunate in securing as her son's tutor Fray Jose Betancourt, the famous Mercedarian, under whose tuition young García Moreno made rapid progress. A great part of his father's fortune having been lost, it was not without some considerable sacrifices that the youth was able to attend the university course at Quito. These material obstacles once overcome, he passed brilliantly through the schools, distancing all his contemporaries, and on 26 October, 1844, received his degree in the faculty of law (Doctor en Jurisprudencia) from the University of Quito.
In less than a year after his graduation young García Moreno had begun to take an active part in Ecuadorean politics, joining in the revolutionary movement which eventually replaced the Flores administration by that of Roca (1846). He soon distinguished himself as a political satirist by contributions to "El Zurriago", but what more truly presaged the achievements of his riper life was his good and useful work as a member of the municipal council of Quito. At the same time he was studying legal practice, and on 30 March, 1848, was admitted advocate. Immediately after this the deposed Flores, supported by the Spanish government, made an attempt to regain the presidency of Ecuador; García Moreno unhesitatingly came forward in support of the Roca administration, and when that administration fell, in 1849, he entered upon his first period of exile. After some months spent in Europe he returned to his native republic in the employ of a mercantile concern, and it was then that he took the first decisive step which marked him conspicuously for the enmity of the anti-Catholics, or, as they preferred to call themselves, the Liberals. At Panama he had fallen in with a party of Jesuits who had been expelled from the Republic of New Granada and wished to find asylum in Ecuador. García Moreno constituted himself the protector of these religious, and they sailed with him for Guayaquil; but on the same vessel that carried the Jesuits and their champion, an envoy from New Granada also took passage for the express purpose of bringing diplomatic influence to bear with the dictator, Diego Noboa, to secure their exclusion from Ecuadorean territory. No sooner had the vessel entered the harbour of Guayaquil than García Moreno, slipping into a shore boat, succeeded in landing some time before the New Granadan envoy; the necessary permission was acquired from the Ecuadorean government, and the Jesuits obtained a foothold in that country. How soon the report of this exploit spread among the anti-Catholics of South America was evidenced by the fact that within a year Jacobo Sánchez, a New Granadan, had attacked García Moreno in the pamphlet "Don Felix Frias en Paris y los Jesuitas en el Ecuador", to which García Moreno's reply was an able "Defensa de los Jesuitas".
In 1853 he began to publish "La Nación", a periodical which, according to its prospectus, was intended to combat the then existing tendency of the government to exploit the masses for the material benefit of those who happened to be in power. At the same time García Moreno's programme aimed distinctly and professedly to defend the religion of the people. He was already known as a friend of the Jesuits; he now assumed the role of friend of the common people, to which he adhered sincerely and consistently to the day of his death. The Urbina faction, then in power, were quick to recognize the importance of "La Nación", which was suppressed before the appearance of its third number, and its proprietor was exiled, for the second time. Having been, meanwhile, elected senator by his native province of Guayaquil, he was prevented from taking his seat, on the ground that he had returned to Quito without a passport. After a sojourn at Paita, García Moreno once more visited Europe. He was now thirty-three years of age, and his experience of political life in Ecuador had deeply convinced him of his people's need of enlightenment. It was undoubtedly with this conviction as his guide and incentive that he spent a year or more in Paris, foregoing every form of pleasure, a severe, indefatigable student not only of political science, but also of the higher mathematics, of chemistry, and of the French public school system. On his return home, under a general amnesty in 1850, he became rector of the central University of Quito; a position of which he availed himself to commence lectures of his own in physical science. Next year he was active in the senate in opposition to the Masonic party, which had gained control of the government, while at the same time he persistently and forcibly, though unsuccessfully, struggled for the passage of a law establishing a system of public education modelled on that of France. In 1858 he once more established a paper, "La Union Naciónal", which became obnoxious to the government by its fearless exposure of corruption and its opposition to the arbitrary employment of authority; and once more a political crisis ensued.
García Moreno was on principle an advocate of orderly processes of government, and that his professions in this regard were sincere his subsequent career fairly demonstrated, but at this juncture he was obliged to realize that his country was in the grip of a corrupt oligarchy, bent upon the suppression of the Church to which the whole mass of his fellow countrymen were devoted, and disposed to keep the masses in ignorance so as to sway them the more easily to its own ends. He had, years before, attacked "the revolutionary industry", a phrase probably first used by him, in the prospectus of "La Nación"; it now became necessary for him to descend to revolutionary methods. Besides, the little Republic of Ecuador was at this time menaced by its more powerful neighbour on the south, Peru. García Moreno, if he was sure of opposition at the hands of the soi-disant Liberals, was also, by this time, recognized by the masses as a leader loyal to both their common Faith and their common country, and thus he was able to organize the revolution which made him head of a provisional government established at Quito. The republic was now divided, General Franco being at the head of a rival government established at Guayaquil. In vain did García Moreno offer to share his authority with his rival for the sake of national unity. As a defensive measure against the threat of Peruvian invasion, García Moreno entered into negotiations with the French envoy with a view to securing the protection of France, a political mistake of which his enemies knew how to avail themselves to the utmost. He was now obliged to assume the character of a military leader, for which he possessed at least the qualifications of personal courage and decisive quickness of resolution. While García Moreno inflicted one defeat after another upon the partisans of Franco, the latter, as representing Ecuador, had concluded with Peru the treaty of Mapasingue. The people of Ecuador rose in indignation at the concessions made in this treaty, and Franco, even his own followers being alienated, was defeated at Babahoya (7 August, 1860) and again at Salado River, where he was driven to take refuge on a Peruvian vessel. When his adversary had been forcibly driven from the country, García Moreno showed his magnanimity in the proclamation in which he sought to heal as quickly as possible the scars of this civil war: "The republic should regard itself as one family; the old demarcations of districts must be so obliterated as to render sectional ambitions impossible". In the reorganization of the Constituent Assembly, which was summoned to meet in January, 1861, he insisted that the suffrage should not be territorial, but "direct and universal, under the necessary guarantees of intelligence and morality, and the number of representatives should correspond (proportionally) to that of the electors represented". The Convention, which met on 10 January, elected García Moreno president; he delivered his inaugural address on the 2d of April following. Then began that series of reforms among which were the restitution of the rights of the Church and a radical reconstruction of the fiscal system. In the immediate present he had to deal with the machinations of his old adversary Urbina, who, from his retirement in Peru, kept up incessant intrigues with the opposition at home, and still more with the governments of neighbouring republics. García Moreno soon came to a sensible and honourable understanding with the Peruvian government.
A violation of Ecuadorean territory by New Granada, though it led to a hostile collision in which García Moreno himself took part, had no serious consequences until the Arboledo administration gave place to that of General Mosquera, whose ambition it was to make New Granada the nucleus of a great "Colombian Confederation", in which Ecuador was to be included. Urbina was not above writing encouraging letters to the New Granadan or Colombian dictator who was scheming against the independence of Ecuador. An invitation to García Moreno to confer with Mosquera elicited a very plain intimation that, so far as the national obliteration of Ecuador was concerned, there was nothing to confer about. But in the meantime the Republic of Ecuador had ratified a concordat with Pope Pius IX (1862), and the discontent of the Regalista party at home with the provisions of that instrument gave Mosquera an excellent pretext for encroaching upon his neighbour's rights. The Regalistas were, without knowing it, a kind of Erastians, who claimed the appointment to ecclesiastical benefices as an inalienable right of the civil power. The President of Ecuador was charged with "casting Colombia, manacled, at the feet of Rome"; Urbina issued "manifestos" from Peru in the sense of "South America for the South Americans"; while the proclamation of President Mosquera recited, with others which seem to have been introduced merely for the sake of appearances, his three really significant grounds of complaint against García Moreno: that the latter had ratified the concordat; that he maintained a representative of the Holy See at Quito; that he had brought Jesuits into Ecuador. It may be remarked here, in passing, that if Mosquera had added to this catalogue of offences those of insisting upon free primary education for the masses, upon strict auditing of the public accounts, and a considerable bona fide outlay upon roads and other public utilities, his proclamation might have served adequately as the indictment upon which García Moreno was condemned and eventually put to death by those whom Pius IX ironically called "the valiant sectaries".
Mosquera was determined to have war, and all the efforts of the Ecuadorean government were of no avail to prevent it. At the battle of Cuaspud all but two battalions of the forces of Ecuador fled ignominiously. It is a matter for wonder, considering the grounds upon which he had declared war, that Mosquera, in the Peace of Pinsaquí, which followed this victory, should have left the Concordat of 1862, the delegate Apostolic, and the Jesuits just as they were. In March,1863, García Moreno tendered his resignation to the National Assembly, who insisted upon his remaining in office until the expiration of his term. Nevertheless he had to face, during the next two years, repeated seditions and filibustering raids. After sparing the lives of the leaders in one of these movements, though they had by all law and custom incurred the penalty of death, he was severely criticized for ordering the execution of another such when it had become evident that an example was necessary for the peace of the republic. In a naval battle at Jambelí (27 June, 1865) at which García Moreno was personally present, the defeat of the Urbina forces was complete, and tranquillity reigned until the presidential term expired on the 27th of the following August.
In the following year began what may be considered as a connected series of attempts which terminated, nine years later, in the assassination of García Moreno. The dispute between Spain and Peru over the Chinchas Islands had led to a war in which, following García Moreno's advice, his successor Jeronimo Carrión had cast in the lot of Ecuador with that of the sister republic and its then ally, Chile. The ex-president was sent as minister plenipotentiary to Chile, with a commission to transact business with President Prado of Peru on his way. On his arrival at Lima an attempt was made to assassinate him, but it ended in the death of his assailant. His diplomatic mission resulted excellently for the friendly relations between Ecuador and its neighbours; the sojourn at Santiago also inspired García Moreno with a high admiration for Chile, and he even made up his mind to attempt a change of the Ecuadorean constitution so as to make it more like that of Chile, a project which he carried into effect in the National Convention of 1869. On his return to Ecuador he found himself a second time in the uncongenial position of leader of a revolution. To anticipate a plot which the Liberals, led by one of Urbina's relations, were known to be forming, the conservatives of Ecuador had risen, declared Carrión deposed, and made García Moreno head of the provisional government. The justice of the grounds on which this extreme action was taken was established by the attempt of Veintemilla, at Guayaquil, only two months later, in March, 1869.
Having been duly confirmed as president ad interim by the National Convention of May, 1869, García Moreno resumed his work for the enlightenment, as well as the religious well-being, of his people. It was in these last years of his life that he did so much for the teaching of physical sciences in the university by introducing there the German Fathers of the Society of Jesus. The medical schools and hospitals of the capital benefited vastly by his intelligent and zealous efforts. In September, 1870, the troops of Victor Emmanuel occupied Rome; and on 18 January, 1871, García Moreno, alone of all the rulers of the world, addressed a protest to the King of Italy on the spoliation of the Holy See. The pope marked his appreciation of this outburst of loyalty by conferring on the President of Ecuador the decoration of the First Class of the Order of Pius IX, with a Brief of commendation dated, 27 March, 1871. It was, on the other hand, notorious that certain lodges had formally decreed the death of García Moreno, who, in a letter to the pope, used about this time the following almost prophetic words: "What riches for me, Most Holy Father, to be hated and calumniated for my love for our Divine Redeemer! What happiness if your benediction should obtain for me from Heaven the grace of shedding my blood for Him, who being God, was willing to shed His blood for us upon the Cross!" The object of numberless plots against his life, García Moreno pursued his way with unruffled confidence in the future — his own and his country's. "The enemies of God and the Church can kill me", he once said, "but God does not die" (Dios no muere).
He had been re-elected president, and would soon have entered upon another term of office, when, towards the end of July, 1875, the police of Quito were apprised that a party of assassins had begun to dog García Moreno's footsteps. When, however, the chief of police warned the intended victim, the latter so discouraged all attempts to hedge him about with precautions, as to almost excuse the carelessness of his official guardians. It came out in evidence that within the fortnight preceding the finally successful attempt, the same assassins had at least twice been foiled by the president's failing to appear on occasions when he had been expected. Finally, on the evening of 6 August, the assassins found their prey unprotected, leaving the house of some very dear friends; they followed him until he had reached the Treasury, and there Faustino Rayo, the leader of the band, suddenly attacked him with a machete, inflicting six or seven wounds, while the other three assisted in the work with their revolvers. On hearing of the death of García Moreno, Pope Pius IX ordered a solemn Mass of Requiem to be celebrated in the Church of Santa Maria in Trastevere. The same sovereign pontiff erected to his memory, in the Collegio Pio-Latino, at Rome, a monument on which García Moreno is designated:
Religionis integerrimus custos
Auctor studiorum optimorum
Obsequentissimus in Petri sedem
Justitiae cultor; scelerum vindex.
The materials for this article have been derived from a biography, now extremely rare, written by a personal friend and political associate of García Moreno, HERRERA, Apuntes sobre la Vida de García Moreno. See also: BERTHES, García Moreno (Paris); Les Contemporains (Paris, s.d.), I; MAXWELL-SCOTT, Gabriel García Moreno, Regenerator of Ecuador in St. Nicholas Series (London and New York, 1908).
References
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- Back to citation Chapman, Charles E. (1932). "The Age of the Caudillos: A Chapter in Hispanic American History". The Hispanic American Historical Review. 12 (3): 281–300. doi:10.2307/2506672. ISSN 0018-2168.
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- Back to citation Mark J. Van Aken (1989). King of the Night: Juan José Flores and Ecuador, 1824-1864. University of California Press. pp. 7–9, 256–258. ISBN 9780520062771.
- Back to citation The Nineteenth Century Outside Europe. Taylor & Francis
- Back to citation Larson, Brooke. Trials of Nation Making: Liberalism, Race, and Ethnicity in the Andes, 1810-1910. Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004, 114-115
- Back to citation occurrence 9.0 Back to citation occurrence 9.1 Henderson, Peter V. N. Gabriel Garcia Moreno and Conservative State Formation in the Andes. University of Texas Press, 2008 ISBN 0-292-71903-5
- Back to citation Hassaurek, F. 1831-1885., and C. Harvey Gardiner. Four Years Among the Ecuadorians. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1967, 111
- Back to citation Maxwell-Scott, Mary Monica, Gabriel Garcia Moreno, Regenerator of Ecuador, p. 152. London 1914
- Back to citation Avilés Pino, Efrén (25 April 2016). "Lemus Rayo Faustino". Enciclopedia del Ecuador: Historia del Ecuador (in European Spanish). Archived from the original on 23 February 2020. Retrieved 11 November 2021.
- Back to citation occurrence 13.0 Back to citation occurrence 13.1 Berthe, P. Augustine (1889), translated from the French by Mary Elizabeth Herbert. Garcia Moreno, President of Ecuador, 1821-1875, Burns and Oates
- Back to citation occurrence 14.0 Back to citation occurrence 14.1 Ayala Mora, Enrique. "Gabriel García Moreno y la gestación del estado nacional en Ecuador" (PDF). Escenarios Alternativos. Retrieved 21 March 2014.
- Back to citation occurrence 15.0 Back to citation occurrence 15.1 Berthe, Augustine (2014) [Originally published 1889, in French] Garcia Moreno, pp. XV - XVI. Dolorosa Press.
- Back to citation occurrence 16.0 Back to citation occurrence 16.1 Gomezjurado, The Consecration, pp. 240 & 335
Further reading
- Henderson, Peter V. N. (2009). Gabriel García Moreno and Conservative State Formation in the Andes. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-77941-9 – via Google Books.
- Vallette, Marc F. "Moreno: The Martyred President of Ecuador," Part II, The American Catholic Quarterly Review, Vol. XLVII, July/October 1922.