Gordon Riots
| Gordon Riots | |
|---|---|
The Gordon Riots by Charles Green
| |
| Date | 2–9 June 1780 |
| Location | London, England |
| Caused by | Papists Act 1778, anti-Catholicism in the United Kingdom |
| Parties | |
| Protestant Association Government of Great Britain British Army County Militia & London Militia Bow Street Runners | |
| Casualties | |
| Deaths | 300–700 |
The Gordon Riots in London in 1780 involved several days of unrest and violence[1] motivated by anti-Catholic sentiment. They began on 2 June 1780 with a large and orderly protest against the Papists Act 1778 (18 Geo. 3. c. 60), which had somewhat reduced official discrimination against British Catholics enacted by the Popery Act 1698 (11 Will. 3. c. 4).[2] The Protestant Association, headed by Lord George Gordon, MP,[3][4] noted that the law (also known as the Catholic Relief Act) enabled Catholics to join the British Army and warned that the relaxation might enable Catholic soldiers to plot treason.[5][6] The resultant protest led to widespread rioting and looting, including attacks on the buildings of Newgate Prison and of the Bank of England,[7] and was the most destructive in the history of London.[8]
Violence started on 2 June 1780, with the looting and burning of Catholic chapels in foreign embassies. Local magistrates, afraid of drawing the mob's anger, did not invoke the Riot Act. There was no repression until the government finally sent in the army, resulting in an estimated 300–700 deaths. The main violence lasted until 9 June 1780.
The riots occurred near the height of the American War of Independence of 1775 to 1783,[9] at a time when the Kingdom of Great Britain, with no major allies, not only had an American colonial rebellion to suppress, but had also become embroiled in wars against France and Spain, and would soon go to war against the Dutch Republic[10] as well. Public opinion, especially in middle-class and elite circles, repudiated anti-Catholicism and lower-class violence, and rallied behind Lord North's government. Many urgently demanded the formation of a police force.[11][12] There appeared painted on the wall of Newgate Prison a proclamation that the inmates had been freed by the authority of "His Majesty, King Mob". The term "King Mob" afterwards denoted an unruly and fearsome proletariat.
Edmund Burke later recalled the riots as a dangerous foretaste of the 1789 French Revolution:
Wild and savage insurrection quitted the woods, and prowled about our streets in the name of reform.... A sort of national convention... nosed parliament in the very seat of its authority; sat with a sort of superintendence over it; and little less than dictated to it, not only laws, but the very form and essence of legislature itself.[13]
Background
The stated intention of the Papists Act 1778 was, as its preamble notes, to mitigate some of the official discrimination against Roman Catholics in Great Britain. It absolved Catholics from taking the religious oath when joining the British Armed Forces as well as granting a few and limited liberties. There were strong expedient reasons for this change. British military forces at the time were stretched very thinly in what had become a global American War of Independence, with conflicts ongoing with France, Spain, and the new United States. The recruitment of Catholics would be a significant help to address this shortfall of manpower.
The 1698 anti-Catholic laws had largely been ignored for many years and were rarely enforced. Because of this, many leading Catholics were opposed to the repeal of these laws, fearing it would stir up anti-Catholic sentiment for little practical return.[14] It was also pointed out that large numbers of Catholics, recruited in Ireland and the Scottish Highlands, were already serving in the military. In spite of this, the government decided to press ahead with the Bill, and had it introduced in Parliament by Sir George Savile.
Protestant Association
The Protestant Association of London had the support of leading Calvinist religious figures, including Rowland Hill, Erasmus Middleton, and John Rippon.[15] Lord George Gordon became its president in 1779, in an effort to force the repeal of the Papists Act.[16][17] An articulate propagandist, though eccentric, Gordon inflamed the mob with fears of Papism and a return to absolute monarchical rule. He implied that Catholics in the military would, given a chance, join forces with their co-religionists on the Continent and attack Britain. He enjoyed popularity in Scotland where he took part in a successful campaign to prevent the same legislation from being introduced into Scots law, although the Act continued in force in England and Wales and in Ireland. The success in obstructing the law in Scotland led Gordon to believe he could enjoy similar success in the rest of Britain and Ireland. Early in 1780 Gordon had several audiences with King George III but was unable to convince him of what he saw as the dangers of the act. George III initially humoured Gordon, but grew increasingly irritated with him and eventually refused any future audiences.
The political climate deteriorated rapidly. On 29 May 1780, Gordon called a meeting of the Protestant Association, and his followers subsequently marched on the House of Commons to deliver a petition demanding the repeal of the Act, a proceeding which set off a riot.
Other causes
After the first march to Parliament, further riots occurred involving groups whose grievances were nationalist, economic, or political, rather than religious. Aside from the issue of Catholic emancipation, it has also been suggested that the driving force of the riots was Britain's poor economic situation: the loss of trade during the war had led to falling wages, rising prices, and periodic unemployment. As Rudé noted, there was no general attack on the Catholic community, "the victims of the riots" being distinguished by the fact they were "on the whole, persons of substance".[18]
Voting in parliamentary elections was restricted by a property threshold, so most Londoners were unable to vote and many hoped for reforms to make Parliament more representative of the people. However, Paul Monod has argued that "no matter how much one would like to interpret the Gordon Riots... as economically motivated, they remain fundamentally anti-Catholic in character".[19]
Shortly after the riots had broken out, the Duke of Richmond suggested that they were directly attributable to the passing of the Quebec Act six years before, which, among other provisions, removed the reference to the Protestant faith from the oath of allegiance, and guaranteed free practice of Catholicism. This view was ridiculed by many of his colleagues.[20]
Another suggested cause was Britain's weakened international position, which had arisen from the country's isolation in Europe and the disappointing news coming from the ongoing war.[21] Some rioters were against the continuation of the war, and many strongly supported American independence,[22] while others believed that Britain's war effort was being mishandled by Lord North. In many cases a mix of issues blended together and drove people to take part in the rioting.
Riots
March on Parliament
On 2 June 1780 a huge crowd, estimated at 40,000 to 60,000 strong, assembled and marched on the Houses of Parliament. Many carried flags and banners proclaiming "No Popery", and most wore blue cockades which had become the symbol of their movement. As they marched, their numbers swelled. They attempted to force their way into the House of Commons, but without success. Gordon, petition in hand, and wearing in his hat the blue cockade of the Protestant Association, entered the Commons and presented the petition. Outside, the situation quickly got out of hand and a riot erupted. Members of the House of Lords were attacked as they arrived, and a number of carriages were vandalised and destroyed.[23]
Despite being aware of the possibility of trouble, the authorities had failed to take steps to prevent violence breaking out. The Prime Minister, Lord North, had forgotten to issue an order mobilising the small number of Constables in the area. Those that were present in the House of Commons were not strong enough to take on the angry mob. Eventually a detachment of soldiers was summoned, and they dispersed the crowd without violence. Inside the House of Commons, the petition was overwhelmingly dismissed by a vote of 192 to 6.[24]
Embassies attacked
Once the mob around Parliament had dispersed, it seemed to the government that the worst of the disorder was over. However, the same night a crowd gathered and attacked the Roman Catholic Sardinian Embassy Chapel in Lincoln's Inn Fields.[25] Bow Street Runners and soldiers were called out and made thirteen arrests, although most of the ringleaders had managed to escape. The same night the chapel of the Bavarian Embassy in Warwick Street, Soho, was destroyed[26] and crowds caused random violence in streets known to house rich Catholics.[27]
Moorfields
The area of Moorfields, one of the poorest parts of the city, was the home of many Irish immigrant workers and had a large area of open ground where crowds could assemble. Despite the appeal of a prominent Irish merchant, James Malo, to the Lord Mayor, Brackley Kennett, no additional protection was offered to the area. During 3 June a crowd had gathered in Moorfields, and by nightfall it began to go on the rampage. Malo's house was amongst the many to be sacked and burned.[28]
Newgate Prison, where rioters arrested on 2 June were being held, was attacked and largely destroyed, as was The Clink.[29] This allowed large numbers of prisoners to escape, many of whom were never recaptured. Severe destruction was inflicted on Catholic churches and homes and chapels on the grounds of several embassies, as well as on New Prison, Fleet Prison, and the house of the Lord Chief Justice, William Murray, 1st Earl of Mansfield, including the destruction of the house's library.[30] On 7 June, called "Black Wednesday" by Horace Walpole, the riot reached its climax. An attempt on the Bank of England was narrowly averted when a combination of the London Military Association and regular troops repulsed rioters, resulting in heavy casualties.[31]
Army repression
The army was called out on 7 June and given orders to fire upon groups of four or more who refused to disperse. About 285 people were shot dead, with another 200 wounded. Around 450 of the rioters were arrested. Of those arrested, about twenty or thirty were later tried and executed. Gordon was arrested and charged with high treason but was acquitted. Brackley Kennett, the Lord Mayor, was convicted of criminal negligence for not reading out the Riot Act and was given a £1,000 fine.[32] The military units which dealt with the rioters included the Horse Guards, Foot Guards, Inns of Court Yeomanry, the Honourable Artillery Company, line infantry including the 2nd (Queen's Royal) Regiment, and militia from the city and neighbouring counties.[33] The defence of the Bank of England was conducted by the 9th Regiment of Foot under the command of Thomas Twisleton, 13th Baron Saye and Sele.
Aftermath
The riots damaged the reputation of Britain across Europe, where many saw British constitutional monarchy as an inherently unstable form of government. This came at a time during the American War of Independence when Britain was searching for allies, particularly Catholic Austria, to challenge the strong coalition the French had built.[34] Britain had also initiated secret negotiations with Catholic Spain to end Spanish support of the United States. After learning of the riots, the Spanish government pulled back from peace negotiations with Britain, concerned that the disorder would lead to a widespread collapse of the current British administration.[35]
The riots highlighted the problems Britain faced in lacking a professional police force, a notion which was opposed as foreign and absolutist. The day after the riots broke out, the Earl of Shelburne shocked many by proposing in parliament that Britain should consider forming a force modelled on the French police.[36] Subsequent reforms aimed to improve London policing.[37][38]
The riots damaged the popularity of the radical politician John Wilkes, who led citizen-militia against the rioters.[39] Many of his followers saw his action as a betrayal; some of them may have been among the rioters. The polemicist and hymn-writer Maria De Fleury wrote and published a pamphlet and a book of poems defending the role of Gordon.[40]
The events at the Bank of England started a tradition whereby a detachment of soldiers, usually from the Brigade of Guards, would march to the bank to perform security duties. Until 1963 the duty was performed by the Guards in Home Service Dress with bearskin, though tennis shoes were worn inside the bank. From that date until 31 March 1973 the detachment became more functional than ceremonial, doing their duties in service dress with automatic weapons.[41]
Cultural references
George Walker's anti-Jacobin novel The Vagabond (1799) anachronistically resituates the Gordon Riots amidst the political events of the 1790s. Its narrator unwittingly becomes a prominent figure in the riots, which Walker depicts as solely destructive and acquisitive.[42]
Maria Edgeworth's 1817 novel Harrington contains a vivid evocation of the Gordon Riots, with two unsympathetic characters taken for Papists and finding refuge in the home of the rich Spanish Jew, the father of the young Jewish woman at the centre of the love story.
Charles Dickens' 1841 novel Barnaby Rudge is centred on a long and detailed description of the Gordon Riots and features Lord George in a prominent role.
John Creasey's 1974 novel The Masters of Bow Street depicts the Gordon Riots and the recalcitrance of Lord North to the establishment of a police force.
In Bernard Cornwell's Sharpe novels (1981–2007), the protagonist Richard Sharpe's mother was killed during the riots while he was still a child.
In the film The Great Rock'n'Roll Swindle, a scene set in 1780 refers to the Gordon Riots, showing the Sex Pistols hung in effigy.
BABYLONdon, a novel by English SF/Fantasy author John Whitbourn (2020), blends a detailed depiction of the Gordon Riots with supernatural plot elements and an apocalyptic denouement.
The Invisibles, a comic series by Grant Morrison features a principal character mostly known as King Mob.
Mentioned by Peter O'Toole's character to Aldo Ray in The Day They Robbed the Bank of England (1960), referencing that he and his men had been guarding the titular bank in a certain fashion since "the Gordon Riots in 1780."
See also
- Anti-Catholicism in the United Kingdom
From the 1913 Catholic Encyclopedia
Gordon Riots — This agitation, so called from the head and spirit of the movement, Lord George Gordon, convulsed the metropolis of England from 2 June till 9 June, 1780. The first English Catholic Relief Act of 1778 (18 George III, c. 60) was not due to any strong feeling in favour of Catholics. Of those mainly responsible for the measure, some were ashamed of the brutal intolerance of former days, some feared that the declaration of American independence might result in an Irish rebellion. The majority had been slow to act, and there was also a noisy minority, which filled the house with protest, while the bill was being debated, and, when it had become law, strove earnestly to prevent a like measure from being brought forward in the legislation for Scotland. To effect this a "Protestant Association" was formed which organized demonstrations of the mob against the Catholics at Perth and Edinburgh, where on 2 February, 1779, the chapel-houses in Chalmer's Close, near Leith Wynd and in Blackfriars Wynd were burned. Nor was peace restored until the Lord Provost weakly promised that no Catholic relief bill for Scotland should be introduced. Though some compensation for the damage done was afterwards ordered by the (government, the Association had gained such a victory that it was encouraged to found branches in England, in order to work for the repeal of the Relief Bill already passed there, as also for repeal of the Canada or Quebec bill, which granted freedom to the Canadian Catholics.
The president of both Scottish and English Associations was Lord George Gordon third son of the third Duke of Gordon, the Protestant head of the house. Lord George was eccentric, and unrestrained both in his fanaticism and in his passions; so much so that the mot, originally formed for Sir Fleetwood Sheherd, was adapted to hirn by Wilkes, "Nulla displicuit meretrix praeter Babylonicam" (R. Bisset, "George III", III, 167). This hero of the Protestant Association resolved on a great demonstration. He procured a petition for the repeal of Relief Bill, signed 30,000 to 40,000 names, carried it to the House of Commons, 2 June, 1780, in a huge procession, said in excitement of the time to have numbered 20,000 or even 40,000 men, all wearing blue cockades, and carrying blue flags with the legend: NO POPERY. In the House Lord George demanded an immediate vote, while his followers were pressing into the lobbies and maltreating all members whom they regarded as hostile to the repeal. The motion was postponed, however, and when evening fell attacks were made on the best known embassy chapels, the Sardinian chapel, near Lincoln's Inn Fields and the Bavarian chapel in Warwick Street. The method of attack was more or less the same on all occasions. First the windows were broken, then the doors forced, the house sacked and the furniture thrown out and burned in the street, thereby setting fire to the whole building. Warwick Street chapel was eventually saved by soldiers, who also arrested some bystanders. Two or three of these upon examination "appears to be Catholics, but of excellent characters against whom" as no material circumstances anpeared, it was thought they would get off" ("Public Advertiser", 6 June. 1780). The prisoners, presumably mere spectators, were remanded for trial to Newgate, whence they "got off" on the following Tuesday without any further investigations. Some disingenuous Protestants, however, have pretended that the burning of the chapels was really due to Catholics (cf. "Barnaby Rudge", lxxvli, end).
By Saturday morning there was a lull. On Sunday afternoon, however, there was a recrudescence of violence, the temporary repairs at the embassy chapels were torn down and burned. Worse would have followed but for the timely arrival of soldiers. Next day, Monday, the Privy Council met at St. James's; but so little was the Government moved by the many misfortunes of the Catholics, so little did it foresee the future, that no adequate or ensures were adopted to suppress disorder though in the city the blue cockades were asserting their power with ever growing boldness. On Tuesday, 6 June, Parliament again met; and again the mob pressed in, preventing the progress of business, and handling roughly all who displeased them. Lord North himself, the prime minister, only escaped that evening by putting his coach-horses to the gallop, having lost his hat in the fray, which was thereupon torn up, and the pieces distributed as trophies among the crowd. The mob was henceforth undisputed master of the situation. All shops were closed, money was exacted from passers by, and every one put on the blue cockade, and chalked NO POPERY on his door. The Catholics suffered much, but unpopular Protestants suffered no less. The house of Lord Chief Justice Mansfield was sacked and burned, so were those of the justices, and even of the witnesses who had given evidence against the rioters. The prisons of Newgate and Clerkenwell were fired, all the prisoners released. Next day the same fate befell Marshalsea. In other prisons, as the Poultry, all prisoners were discharged to prevent further disturbance. The large distillery in Holborn of Mr. Langdale, a Catholic, was burned, and all the stores of spirits wasted or drunk. The bridges across the Thames were seized; the Bank of England was twice attacked, and only saved by soldiers. On Wednesday night thirty-six different conflagrations might be counted from London Bridge. Fortunately the air was still, and the flames did not spread, or the consequence would have been terrible, for the mob had injured the fire-pumps and thrown the hoses into the burning buildings.
The delay in dealing with the mob violence was due to many causes. There had never been a tumult of this nature before and there was no special force to cope with it. The police of the city in those days consisted but of a few dozen watchmen and constables. Of the magistrates some were infatuated for the Protestant Association, some were cowards, nearly all were of opinion that the Riot Act must be read an hour before the military could be called upon to interfere. At last King George himself (it had been thought prudent for him to retire from the royal apartments to protected buildings in the rear of St. James) summoned a council on Wednesday evening active measures were ordered, and carried out that very night. Infantry and cavalry attacked the crowd wherever it made head, firing into their ranks, and charging them with sword and bayonet. Though the darkness and intricacies of the streets enabled the rioters to maintain themselves for a while, no serious resistance was, or could be, offered. By Thursday evening all organized disturbance was over, but 210 were killed in the streets, 75 died in hospital, and 173 were severely wounded. Of the prisoners taken, 52 were convicted, and of these between 20 and 30 executed. Lord George's trial, fortunately for him, had to be adjourned for some months. By then men's minds were cooler, he was admirably defended by the great advocate Thomas, afterwards Lord Erskine, and acquitted. There was, no doubt, a miscarriage of justice here, but the formal indictment of "levying war on the king", could not be substantiated. Indeed it is certain that he did not at all foresee the results of his actions, and that he exerted himself, when it was too late, to stem the torrent of mischief which he had let loose. John Wesley is sometimes said to have assisted to arouse the religious fanaticism of the associates but this is neither true nor possible, for he was at this time, and had been for months before, engaged in a missionary circuit through the Northern countries. In the previous January, however, he had written a "Defence" of the "Appeal" issued by the Association, and obstinately maintained his narrow views in the "Freeman's Journal", though they were answered by Father Arthur O'Leary. The losses of Catholics were grave, and cannot be precisely scheduled. Claim for compensation was afterwards made for 57 houses destroyed (three of these chapels or mass-houses), besides two embassy chapels. Numbers, however, were constrained to fly in confusion by night, with their wives and children and little store of valuables. Their Protestant friends too often not daring to give them shelter, they fell in many instances into extreme distress. Others were shot by the soldiers in trying to escape from the mob; four are reported to have died from fear; Mr. Dillon of Moorfields, an old man, who had previously endured prosecution for his priesthood was wantonly thrown out of his sick-bed and died six weeks later. The sum eventually paid to the Catholics is said to have been 28,219 pounds from the city, and 5200 pounds from the Government. Mr. Langdale put his losses at 100,000 pounds, but refused compensation, receiving instead leave to distil spirits for a year free of impost, and thereby (so runs the story) made up handsomely the damage he had suffered.
The events of the riots were chronicled day by day in the papers e.g. The Morning Advertiser, the London Chronicle, the London Gazette; and were summarized in the monthly and annual periodicals, e.g. the Political Magazine and The Annual Register. See also the Lords' and the Commons' Journals; LORD MAHON, History of England (1858), III, lxi, lxiii; HOLCROFT, A Plain Narrative of the late Riots in London (1780); COBBETT, State Trials, xxi, 485-687. Dickens has described the riots in "Barnaby Rudge". The riots are also mentioned by all historians and memoir writers of the period.
For the misfortunes of the Catholics in particular, see BURTON, Life and Times of Bishop Challoner (London 1909); The Catholic Magazine for 1833, being papers and documents collected by "L.C."; Dolman's Review, vols. V and VI, ten contributions by EDWARD PRICE; ALEXIUS J.F. MILLS, The Riots in London in 1780 (London, 1883). The last two should be read with caution.
References
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- Haydon, Colin (2013). "Eighteenth-Century English Anti-Catholicism: Contexts, Continuity and Diminution.". In Wolffe, John (ed.). Protestant-Catholic Conflict from the Reformation to the Twenty-first Century. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 46–70.
- Hibbert, Christopher (1959). King Mob: The Story of Lord George Gordon and the Riots of 1780. Dorset Press. ISBN 0-88029-399-3; popular history online
- Jones, Brad A. (2013). "'In Favour of Popery': Patriotism, Protestantism, and the Gordon Riots in the Revolutionary British Atlantic". Journal of British Studies. 52 (1): 79–102. doi:10.1017/jbr.2012.60.
- McDonagh, Patrick (2006). "Barnaby Rudge, 'idiocy' and paternalism: Assisting the 'poor idiot'". Disability & Society. 21 (5): 411–423. doi:10.1080/09687590600785779. S2CID 144804564.
- Pollen, John Hungerford (1909). "Gordon Riots". In Herbermann, Charles George (ed.). The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Co.
- Rudé, George (July 1955). "The Gordon Riots". History Today. 5 (7): 429–437.
- Rudé, George (1956). "The Gordon Riots: A Study of the Rioters and their Victims". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 5th. 6 (6): 93–114. doi:10.2307/3678842. JSTOR 3678842. S2CID 155720228.
- Rudé, George (1974). The Gordon Riots, in Paris and London in the Eighteenth Century. London: Fontana/Collins.
- Rudé, George (2005). "'Church and King' Riots". The Crowd in History. London: Serif.
- Rogers, Nicholas (1998). "The Gordon Riots". Crowds, Culture and Politics in Georgian Britain. Clarendon Press. pp. 152–175.
- Nicholson, John (1985). The Great Liberty Riot of 1780. Bozo. ISBN 0-904063-16-X.
- Simms, Brendan (2008). Three Victories and a Defeat: The Rise and Fall of the First British Empire. Penguin Books.
Further reading
- Atherton, Jonathan. "Obstinate juries, impudent barristers and scandalous verdicts? Compensating the victims of the Gordon Riots of 1780 and the Priestley Riots of 1791." Historical Research 88.242 (2015): 650–673.
- Awcock, Hannah. "Handbills, rumours, and blue cockades: Communication during the 1780 Gordon Riots." Journal of Historical Geography 74#1 (2021): 1–9. online
- Fischer, Pascal. "Blending spaces: the Gordon riots in literature." in Resistance and the City (Brill, 2018) pp. 98–112.
- Flynn, Carol Houlihan. "Whatever Happened to the Gordon Riots?" in A Companion to the Eighteenth‐Century English Novel and Culture (2005): 459–480 online.
- Fraser, Antonia. The King and the Catholics: England, Ireland, and the fight for religious freedom, 1780–1829 (Anchor, 2019) online.
- Groth, Helen. "Rioting, Nineteenth-Century Fiction, and the Limits of Liberalism." (Dissertation, University of New South Wales; 2017) online
- Haydon, Colin. "‘Popery at St. James’s’: The Conspiracy Theses of William Payne, Thomas Hollis, and Lord George Gordon." in Conspiracies and Conspiracy Theory in Early Modern Europe (Routledge, 2017) pp. 173–195.
- Joyce, Peter, and Wendy Laverick. "Crowd Disorders, 1750–1800." in History of Policing, Crime, Disorder, Punishment ( Springer International, 2023) pp. 85–105.
- Rabin, Dana Y. "Imperial disruptions: City, nation, and empire in the Gordon Riots." in Britain and its internal others, 1750–1800 (Manchester University Press, 2017) pp. 108–144.
- Rogers, Nicholas. "Nights of Fire: The Gordon Riots of 1780 and the Politics of War." in Crowd Actions in Britain and France from the Middle Ages to the Modern World (Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015) pp. 124–145.